Some are unfolding right now. Understandings solidifying between the United States, Israel, Arab states and others demand serious preparation, diplomatic and security work, and nonstop attention. Right now, Israel is pushing with the United States an international deal to end the Gaza war by stripping Hamas of weapons, demilitarizing the Gaza Strip, and ultimately expanding peace deals.

Nothing far-fetched here, over two years since the war started with the October 7 massacre. The Middle East braces for dramatic shifts, with Israel driving most directly or indirectly – backed or trailed by the US.

Challenges versus opportunities

Top challenge: Iran, chief source of chaos, terror and war against Israel and the region. Last June's 12-Day War exposed Tehran's radical regime as weak and exposed, unable to shield facilities or top officials. It also opened a rare shot at toppling the Islamist dictatorship.

Iran's economy crumbles day after day, poverty surges, educated masses flee, water is running out – yes, literally. Reservoirs shut one by one, taps run dry across vast areas, and unrest builds. The regime cracks down brutally, cuts internet to contain it.

Israeli and Washington sources see regime collapse as viable amid civilian strife. That could transform Israel's security and strategic situation, removing its top existential threat. Plus, it would gut funding for Hezbollah, Houthis, Hamas and other Iran-backed terror groups.

Opportunities include Saudi Arabia, among others. Israel Hayom reported Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's White House meeting with President Donald Trump fell short of normalization kickoff hopes. Still, everyone knows the process starts soon – likely post-war. Contacts already run direct and indirect on specifics like overflights via Saudi airspace, trade deals, security and cyber business with Saudis, and beyond.

Netanyahu hinting at under-the-radar progress? Entirely plausible – maybe crafting a deal letting bin Salman claim victory on demands, netting F-35s or even a US nuclear reactor in trade.

A Saudi deal or normalization talks would mark a huge win for Israel and Netanyahu, pulling more nations into Abraham Accords – ties with Israel, trade pacts, and real Palestinian conflict progress.

The implicit statement in Netanyahu's letter is that he can bring about the strategic achievements, or more precisely, only he can.

The post Netanyahu's opportunities and what it means for Iran's regime appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

Praising the sports celebrity, Trump stated: "This room is loaded up with the biggest leaders in the world – business, sports…" Trump continued: "My son is a big fan of Ronaldo… Barron got to meet him, and I think he respects his father a little bit more now – just the fact that I introduced you." The president concluded: "So I just want to thank you both for being here," US Sun reported.

The post Ronaldo joins star-studded White House dinner appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

Sources in Washington said that despite the positive atmosphere in the talks and the success in reaching agreements on Saudi investments in the US and other civil matters, security issues remain unresolved and contacts on the subject will continue. Regarding normalization with Israel, the Saudis presented a stubborn position stating they would be ready to begin talks only upon the full conclusion of the war, through the completion of Phase B of the Donald Trump plan.

The American response was that the Saudis are giving Hamas veto power, as Hamas refuses to advance to talks or disarm, partly due to Iranian pressure on several regime officials. Iran aims to torpedo or delay such normalization, which strengthens the regional alliance against it.

A second demand raised by the Saudis is the full establishment of the path to establishing a Palestinian state. Reports indicated that Israel, meaning Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, must publicly confirm his commitment regarding this clause in the Donald Trump plan and the Security Council resolution. As Israel Hayom revealed, Riyadh made clear in early contacts that it could not sign onto joining the Abraham Accords and normalization with the government in its current composition, meaning with the right-wing parties of Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.

This concerns not only statements by the right-wing MKs against a Palestinian state or Saudi Arabia itself, but mainly their push to expand the settlements. A Saudi diplomatic source told Israel Hayom that it is clear to the Saudi leadership that in the current government, Netanyahu will struggle to advance the basic conditions for promoting the establishment of a Palestinian state. The Saudis do not rule out talks with Israel soon, and even reaching agreements on civil and economic matters – but they rule out normalization and official accession to the Abraham Accords with the current Israeli government.

An Arab diplomatic official said the prevailing assessment is that such official talks would begin with the war's conclusion phase, but unofficial talks and contacts between the countries would continue and even accelerate before then, due to pressure from Donald Trump. "We estimate that the acceptance of Saudi security requests, or at least most of them, will be announced then," the official said. The official referred here to the supply of advanced weapons types, including F-35 stealth aircraft.

Regarding the issue of selling the advanced aircraft to Saudi Arabia, Israel did not object in principle but asked the US for two things. First, Israel asked to supply the Saudis with models that do not possess the most sophisticated systems available for the aircraft. Donald Trump said Tuesday that in his opinion it is possible to give Saudi Arabia and Israel the same systems, but the Pentagon and the State Department believe Israel's qualitative edge must be preserved in this aspect.

The president added that Israel is aware of the entire issue of the aircraft sale, and it will be very satisfied with the results of this move, meaning it will gain in other places. The second request is receiving specific security items and access to technologies that until now existed only in the hands of the US military and were not sold to Israel. There is some progress here, although the entire request was not fulfilled.

An Israeli security official criticized the diplomatic level for not sharing the management of contacts with the administration with the relevant security echelon, noting that in the past this level was involved in talks such as these. The official said the approach to the security echelon occurred only after the objection in principle to the sale had already been removed.

The IDF, incidentally, is not very concerned about the sale of F-35 aircraft to Saudi Arabia, as the Israeli qualitative edge lies in the levels of technology integration of the aircraft with other technologies and systems, as well as in the much higher skill of the Israeli pilots.

In the diplomatic bottom line, Israel has swallowed a bitter pill in the form of consent to the "path to a Palestinian state" clause. It will swallow another bitter pill or two regarding weapons sales to Saudi Arabia and other countries in the region. The first and major return, the hostages and remaining in Gaza, has been accepted. Now the diplomatic return is awaited, though its political price will be high.

The post The Saudi offer to Israel – and the price it will pay appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

The Kingdom would receive a "major non-NATO ally" designation under the pact, a formal status enhancing defense collaboration while stopping short of a security guarantee, according to POLITICO. Joining 19 other nations in this category, Saudi Arabia would stand alongside Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, and Qatar with this classification.

The post Saudi crown prince secures 'major non-NATO' alliance with US appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

This is bin Salman's first trip to Washington since the 2018 murder of the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, a harsh critic of the kingdom's leadership and a supporter of the Muslim Brotherhood, carried out by Saudi agents at the country's consulate in Istanbul. The incident triggered an unprecedented crisis and a period of strained ties, especially during Joe Biden's administration.

The Biden administration sought to sideline bin Salman over the Khashoggi affair, rendering him persona non grata in Washington, until Biden himself was forced to travel to Riyadh to ask the crown prince to increase oil production amid soaring global energy prices. That visit is mostly remembered for the president's awkward, forced fist bump with the crown prince.

Trump, by contrast, views the 40-year-old heir apparent as a central player in shaping the Middle East in the coming decades. The US president aims to return to the golden era of bilateral ties that characterized his first term, when the Saudis were a leading US ally in the region.

"They were great allies," Trump told reporters on Monday. "They certainly love us very much. Look at the situation in Iran, we destroyed their nuclear capability. Yes, I am saying we will do this," he added, referring to the plan to sell F-35 jets to Riyadh.

In Israel, the idea is being received with concern. Beyond the risks inherent in another country acquiring the most advanced aircraft available for sale, such a move would erode Israel's qualitative military edge, a core principle in Washington's relationship with Jerusalem.

Even within the Trump administration there are reservations. Some fear that the sale could open the door for China to access advanced American technology, according to a New York Times report this week. But the president views the deal as part of a broader effort to keep Saudi Arabia aligned with the US and not with China.

Trump is expected to press bin Salman to join the Abraham Accords and normalize relations with Israel. The president sees Saudi Arabia, the largest Arab economy and the leader of the Muslim world, as the key to achieving broader regional stability. In recent weeks, Trump even predicted that once Saudi Arabia joins the accords, everyone in the Arab world will follow.

Saudi officials, however, have repeatedly made clear in recent months that they will not abandon their demand for a clear, credible and irreversible pathway to a Palestinian state, even if today's meeting may help restart negotiations between Jerusalem and Riyadh.

A series of economic deals

Beyond defense and diplomatic issues, the visit is expected to produce several economic agreements. The Saudis plan to announce multibillion-dollar investments in American artificial intelligence infrastructure. In addition, the two countries will release details of cooperation on civilian nuclear energy, a field Saudi Arabia seeks to advance. In the past, this issue was tied to normalization with Israel, but it will now proceed even without it. Trump hopes to finalize the Saudi commitment to invest 600 billion dollars, a pledge made during his 2017 visit to Riyadh.

Saudi media reported Monday that the crown prince is carrying a letter from Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, which he is expected to present to Trump. According to Al Arabiya, the letter was delivered to Saudi Interior Minister Prince Abdulaziz bin Saud bin Naif during his recent visit to Iran and his meeting with the head of the pilgrimage organization, Ali Reza Rashidian.

Their meetings are expected to cover additional regional issues, including maintaining the ceasefire in Gaza and potential progress on phase two, shared concerns about Iran, and the civil war in Sudan. On Wednesday, an investment conference will be held at the Kennedy Center with the participation of senior executives from major American companies such as Salesforce, Qualcomm and Pfizer, where more deals are expected to be signed.

A Completely Different Atmosphere

As noted, this is the crown prince's first visit to the US since the murder of Jamal Khashoggi in 2018. This time, with a change of administration, the atmosphere is entirely different. Washington is draped in US and Saudi flags, cannons have been prepared for a salute, an honor guard is in place, and a military flyover will take place above the South Lawn, along with a festive state dinner, signaling the renewed depth of the relationship.

President Donald Trump has returned to the White House and has made his ties with the Saudi prince one of the cornerstones of his foreign policy. According to reports, the president will announce major agreements during the visit, both defense-related and civilian, led by the American approval to sell F-35 jets to Saudi Arabia, a precedent-setting decision that would make the kingdom the first Arab country to operate the most advanced system in the US arsenal.

The president is expected to clearly present his main objective: bringing Saudi Arabia into the Abraham Accords and achieving historic progress toward normalization with Israel. Trump said in recent days that he expects Saudi Arabia to join the accords and predicted that if it does, the entire Arab world will follow.

For now, however, bin Salman is maintaining the kingdom's established position. Saudi Arabia will not take a public step toward normalization without a credible pathway to establishing a Palestinian state.

The Israeli dimension has taken on added weight following the US-backed Security Council resolution adopted Monday, which approved Trump's 20-point plan for the day after in Gaza. The plan includes, in addition to references to an international force, the demilitarization of the Strip and the disarmament of the Hamas terrorist organization, language addressing self-determination and the eventual establishment of a Palestinian state in line with Saudi demands.

The visit is expected to include the signing of new defense agreements, significant Saudi investments in American industries, particularly in infrastructure, artificial intelligence and civilian nuclear cooperation. The Saudis are also expected to seek formal US security guarantees, similar to those granted to Qatar about six weeks ago. At the same time, Trump will try to advance another major initiative for the crown prince: bringing Saudi Arabia back into the IMEC project, a strategic trade corridor linking India, the Middle East and Europe, in which Israel also participates.

Despite the lingering sensitivities surrounding the Khashoggi murder, and despite US intelligence assessments concluding that the prince likely approved the operation, the issue no longer appears to be a central obstacle for the Trump administration. Bin Salman has previously denied ordering the killing but said he accepted responsibility as a leader.

The White House visit marks the return of Mohammed bin Salman to the global stage and the deepening of renewed ties between Washington and Riyadh. But for the White House, the real test lies elsewhere: whether the kingdom will move, even symbolically, toward formal normalization with Israel, a goal Trump sees as essential to expanding the Abraham Accords as part of his effort to establish what he calls lasting peace in the Middle East.

The post Why Bin Salman's visit to Washington matters appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

Senior Saudi commentators who spoke with the paper said Riyadh is expected to try to persuade Washington to adopt its approach to the Palestinian issue. They also stressed that Saudi Arabia places major importance on acquiring advanced weaponry and air-defense systems.

Among the officials who traveled to Washington were Defense Minister Khalid bin Salman, the brother of Prime Minister and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman; State Minister Musaad al-Aiban; Economy and Planning Minister Faisal al-Ibrahim; Communications Minister Abdullah al-Swaha; and Public Investment Fund Governor Yasir al-Rumayyan.

Strategic partnership

The discussions with the American side dealt with the strategic partnership and with regional and international developments. Issues on the agenda included cooperation on AI, advanced technology, investments and economic ties.

Political analyst Munif al-Harbi told Asharq Al-Awsat that the crown prince's visit is expected to include a diplomatic dimension and talks on possible solutions in the Middle East, including the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, a ceasefire in Gaza, and support for stabilizing the situation in Syria and Sudan.

He estimated that the Palestinian issue will certainly be present, along with what he called the "importance of creating a just and permanent solution through a two-state path and the establishment of a Palestinian state". He predicted that all files of mutual strategic interest would come up for discussion, including the Syrian file, the war in Sudan, the Yemeni file, the Lebanese file, and even the war in Ukraine, where Riyadh has served as a mediator.

"The timing of the visit is important for Saudi Arabia at a moment when it has succeeded in strengthening both its regional and international ties and has adopted a policy of positive neutrality", al-Harbi said. He added that "this positive neutrality may allow the kingdom, given the regional and global shifts, to play a role not only in regional matters but also in addressing international issues and serving as a reliable mediator amid global polarization."

Al-Harbi and another political commentator, Ahmed al-Ibrahim, noted that the acquisition of advanced US weapons and air-defense systems for the Saudi military is of paramount importance for the kingdom. This comes in addition to the mutual interest in deepening ties and expanding investments, including in AI.

Al-Ibrahim said the talks are expected to include rounds of political negotiations aimed at persuading Washington of the Saudi perspective, a position shared by many Arab and Muslim states, particularly regarding the establishment of a Palestinian state and a two-state solution.

He said the "visit could become a cornerstone of this file, which enjoys international support". The Saudi commentator also hinted that the outcomes of the summit between President Donald Trump and Prince Mohammed bin Salman could be exceptional and include major understandings that may benefit the region in the coming years, including in security, investment or technological alliances.

"Circles in Washington view the visit as a full reset of relations. Prince bin Salman is entering Washington as the man of the future in the Middle East, not merely as part of a traditional diplomatic visit", al-Harbi said.

The post Will Trump pressure Israel for Saudi Arabia's sake? appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

Trump's first-term Abraham Accords, which established formal diplomatic and commercial connections between Israel and three Arab nations, represent his cornerstone strategy for delivering lasting Middle East stability as the precarious Gaza ceasefire between Israel and Hamas continues holding. "I hope that Saudi Arabia will be going into the Abraham Accords very shortly," Trump informed reporters aboard Air Force One during his Friday Florida journey, though more measured internal assessments indicate Saudi participation appears improbable near term, despite restrained confidence that Trump's second term could yield an agreement, three administration officials told Associated Press while discussing internal deliberations anonymously.

The crown prince, commonly referenced as MBS, has signaled potential flexibility beyond his father's stance, yet guaranteed Palestinian state establishment remains the kingdom's non-negotiable condition – something Israel fiercely rejects – creating the central obstacle Trump must navigate. Trump's 20-point Gaza peace plan might be presented to Prince Mohammed as fulfilling that requirement, though such positioning risks Israeli anger and cooperation withdrawal, particularly if the Republican president commits to detailed benchmark timelines, with one official suggesting optimal outcomes from this week's discussions would involve Saudi recognition of Trump's plan as the Palestinian statehood foundation and public commitment to considering accords membership, according to Associated Press. Trump has recently predicted that once Saudi participation occurs, the entire Arab world "goes in," telling business leaders this month with Saudi Ambassador Princess Reema Bandar Al Saud present, "We have a lot of people joining now the Abraham Accords, and hopefully we're going to get Saudi Arabia very soon," before jokingly assuring the diplomat, "I'm not lobbying."

Trump attributes his confidence to what he perceives as seismic Middle East dynamics shifts creating regional peace openings, arguing that Iran – the shared Saudi-Israeli adversary – has witnessed its Gaza, Lebanon, and Yemen proxies diminished following two years of conflict while Tehran's nuclear program sustained setbacks from June US strikes, factors Trump believes have prepared conditions for Saudi-Israeli agreement. Nevertheless, reconciling Trump's public assurances with Saudi demands for the establishment of a Palestinian state before any normalization arrangement proves difficult, though the visit might provide Trump with opportunities to guide the crown prince toward his ultimate goal if he demonstrates receptiveness to the necessity of a Palestinian state.

The crown prince's anticipated White House arrival will feature a request list including formal US military protection scope definitions for the kingdom and approval to acquire American-produced F-35 fighter jets, among the globe's most advanced aircraft, though as preparations concluded, Trump's authorization for the fighter jet agreement appeared doubtful despite his unpredictability record and potential approval if the crown prince achieves persuasion, administration officials told Associated Press. The administration maintains concerns about disrupting Israel's "qualitative military advantage" over neighboring states, especially as Trump depends on Israeli support for his Gaza peace plan's success, while another persistent worry involves potential Chinese theft or transfer of F-35 technology, given China's close UAE and Saudi Arabia.

The post US officials skeptical about Saudi deal, worry about Israel's 'military advantage' appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

This week, that red line may face its biggest test in decades, with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's planned visit to Washington and the expected US approval for the F-35 deal to the kingdom.

The Americans have always viewed the Saudis as an important strategic partner, but the idea of supplying the stealth fighter – the only fifth-generation jet operated by any country in the Middle East (Israel) – was seen until recently as a line best not crossed. The reason is simple: the F-35 is no longer just a fighter jet. It is an intelligence, strike, and electronic platform that enables penetration into spaces that were previously impassable, and it is a source of security, diplomatic, and strategic power not only in the local arena but also in the broader regional balance of power.

The stealth fighter entered Israeli Air Force service as a result of a long, complex, and sometimes politically sensitive process. Although the F-35 was born as a large-scale international project led by the United States called JSF – Joint Strike Fighter, Israel was not included in the first group of countries that participated in it.

The main reason was that the Americans carefully examined the combination of industrial partnership and security sensitivity: Israel was not a producer in NATO frameworks, and it was known as a country that makes deep modifications to almost every air platform it acquires. From Washington's perspective, there was a need to carefully examine whether Israel's modification requirements would not endanger particularly sensitive technological components. Only at a later stage, after a prolonged process of secret coordinations and technological protection mechanisms, did Israel join as a special procurement partner and not as a full member in the JSF coalition.

The US president who essentially approved the sale of the stealth fighters to Israel was George W. Bush. His administration made the principled decision to allow Israel to acquire a fifth-generation jet, out of the understanding that the rise in regional threats – including Iran – requires Israel to have a significant qualitative advantage. The actual agreement was signed during the Obama administration, which continued this policy and gave the green light to the first order. Israel was indeed outside the circle of countries that contributed to the development of the tool, but it became the first customer in the world to receive Washington's approval for deep Israeli modifications in the avionics systems, electronic warfare, and connectivity.

The first Adir landed in Israel on December 12, 2016, at Nevatim Airbase, in a ceremony that made clearer than anything the significance of this acquisition for Israel. For the first time, the Air Force received a jet capable of entering almost any point in the Middle East with little warning, generating independent intelligence, and carrying out precise strikes with a level of survivability higher than that of any other tool. It gave Israel an advantage that is not only technological but also conceptual: the Air Force moved from an era where it had to "break into" enemy airspace to an era where it can operate within it with relative ease.

Since 2016, three batches of jets have arrived in Israel. Today, the Israeli Adir fleet numbers about 36 F-35 jets integrated into squadrons at Nevatim. The Israeli government has already approved the purchase of another 25 jets, which will bring the operational strength to more than 60 jets. There are also discussions about further expansion later this decade, among other things to ensure a response to new threats and the replacement of some of the veteran fourth-generation jets.

The combination of operational flexibility, stealth capability, unique Israeli electronic warfare modifications, and natural integration into national control systems created a new reality: the stealth fighter is no longer just a component in the Air Force but an overlay layer that gives Israel freedom of action that no one in the arena holds, and continues to shape Israeli combat doctrine even today.

In Israel, especially after Operation Rising Lion, the significance of this process is even clearer. In the campaign that lasted 12 days and spanned thousands of kilometers, the F-35 was the tool that changed the rules of the game. It enabled deep penetration into Iranian airspace saturated with radars, missile batteries, and electronic warfare capabilities without the need to open a route through a wave of preliminary strikes. It provided real-time intelligence, sensor fusion that creates a continuous battle picture, and surgical strike capability on targets essential to the nuclear program – and all this while maintaining almost complete stealth. Israeli pilots described how they saw Iran's defense arrays "waking up", if at all, only after the strike had already been completed. That was a moment that illustrated how much this tool changes reality, and how much the Israeli advantage on it is not only tactical but essential.

This is exactly where the Israeli concern lies. If Saudi Arabia indeed joins the select club that holds the American stealth fighter, the implication is not just another advanced jet in the region; it is a change in the basis of the balance of power. Not because Saudi Arabia is an enemy state, today it is seen as a potential strategic partner, but because the qualitative advantage is a resource that must be maintained over time, especially in a region where the balance of alliances can change in a few years, if not months.

Israel needs unique technological depth, one that cannot be closed in two or three years. And if Saudi Arabia is indeed equipped with the stealth fighter, it will be the first time an Arab country receives access to a technological generation equal to that of Israel. In the past, Saudi Arabia requested – and received AWACS and F-15 jets from the US, but Israel managed to impose certain restrictions on the Saudi jets, thereby leaving a technological advantage in its hands.

Supporters of the move argue that Israel holds an advantage of many years over any country that enters the deal now. They point to its extensive operational experience, the unique hardware and software modifications it has made, and the complementary capabilities – intelligence, communications, and logistical capability that other countries are still far from holding. The QME mechanisms (ensuring qualitative edge), they remind, do not erode in one day. But on the other hand, there are those in Israel who warn that these gaps are not a given. Technology is a dynamic matter, and from the moment the door opens, it is hard to return it to full closure.

In this reality, Mohammed bin Salman's visit to Washington becomes a top event. The US president's decision will not approve just a deal – it will define the contours of air supremacy in the Middle East in the coming decade. The fact that in Israel they use examples from Operation Rising Lion to gauge the significance of the stealth fighter only sharpens the tension: Israel knows very well what the F-35 allows it to do. It also knows what will happen the day these capabilities reach its large, wealthy, and ambitious neighbor.

Either way, the discussion is not about Saudi Arabia. It's about Israel, about a longstanding American commitment, and about the question of whether the era of Israeli exclusivity in the stealth domain is about to come to an end – or whether Washington will find a way to preserve the additional edge on which Israeli security policy has relied for three decades.

The post How a Saudi-US F-35 deal could shatter Israel's unmatched air dominance appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

Even if trilateral negotiations are formally announced, expectations are that the initial outcomes will be economic and commercial rather than political, largely because of Saudi displeasure with elements of Netanyahu's coalition.

Progress on key disputes

According to diplomatic sources familiar with the discussions, the sides have made significant progress and potential solutions are emerging on the main points of disagreement. The central issue is Saudi Arabia's desire to establish a nuclear facility on its soil that would include an independent uranium-enrichment capability.

Former National Security Council head Meir Ben-Shabbat wrote that Mohammed bin Salman justifies this demand in light of senior Iranian officials' declarations of determination to rebuild Iran's nuclear project. One option being discussed is a US-built nuclear facility in Saudi Arabia that would operate with American personnel and American security oversight. It remains unclear whether Israel would accept such an arrangement, but talks are advancing in a way that leaves the door open to a civilian nuclear facility in Saudi Arabia, though not in the immediate term.

The crown prince's visit to Washington is intended to culminate in a defense pact similar to the one the US signed with Qatar, and on this issue there is almost complete agreement with the Americans. Moreover, the Saudis view Israel as a partner in this framework, which aligns with the joint regional command structure headed by US Central Command, known as CENTCOM.

Saudi Arabia has expressed confidence in Israel's proven capabilities and its willingness to act independently, as demonstrated in strikes against Iranian and Qatari targets. As Israel Hayom has previously reported, Saudi military helicopters intercepted Iranian UAVs en route to Israel during the June conflict with Iran.

F-35 and Israel's Qualitative Military Edge

A major announcement is also expected on large-scale defense procurement agreements, primarily the acquisition of F-35 fighter jets. The Pentagon has already approved the sale of F-35s to Saudi Arabia, which still requires the approval of the US Senate and the signature of President Trump.

Until now, the F-35 has been sold to 19 countries, most of them Western. In the Middle East, only Israel currently operates the advanced aircraft. Although the F-35 is considered a key component of Israel's Qualitative Military Edge, Israel possesses an upgraded model equipped with unique systems.

Diplomatic officials say the US guarantees to preserve Israel's qualitative military edge, enshrined in legislation, are extensive. According to those officials, this aligns with the shared Israeli and American goal of establishing a new, long-term security framework that includes expanded cooperation in developing advanced weapons systems. In practice, this would allow the Israel Defense Forces to access qualitative advantages already in the earliest development stages of cutting-edge military technologies, together with the US military, well before other countries that purchase American weapons.

Palestinian statehood Issue resolved

Another issue that has effectively been resolved is the requirement for progress toward a Palestinian state. This clause was already included in Trump's earlier plan, and it is now being implemented through a draft resolution that the UN Security Council is expected to vote on Monday, one day before the meeting between President Trump and the Saudi crown prince.

A diplomatic source confirmed that, at Saudi request, the draft resolution includes several changes from the original Trump plan, the most significant being that the clause has been moved to the top of the text instead of appearing as point 19 in the Trump proposal.

Once the meeting between the two leaders was set, it was clear that Israel would be part of the agenda, with only the details left to determine. Now it appears those details are nearing completion. If successful, this would mark a major breakthrough in Israel's relations with the Arab world, provided the process is not halted or derailed as happened on October 7.

Eastern Gaza Strip plan

The next stage of implementing Trump's plan is approaching and is moving forward along two parallel tracks. Political and security officials familiar with the behind-the-scenes diplomatic process describe two lines of effort:

The first is practical: establishing humanitarian zones in areas under Israeli control.

The second is diplomatic: preparing to open negotiations on the second phase, which involves disarming Hamas and transferring authority over the entire Gaza Strip to an international committee.

The Security Council resolution expected Monday is meant to accelerate the formation of a multinational force. But a fundamental problem remains: Hamas' refusal to disarm and the reluctance of involved states to send troops as long as Hamas retains its weapons.

For this purpose, President Trump's envoy Steve Witkoff is scheduled to meet with Khalil al-Hayya, head of Hamas' negotiation team. The proposal on the table would transfer the weapons to the Palestinian force being trained under American supervision in Jordan. Hamas' leadership is divided on the issue and, at most, is willing to hand over rocket weapons to an Arab entity.

On the second track, reconstruction and civilian management of the Palestinian population in the area under Israeli control, known as the Eastern Gaza Strip, Washington intends to begin transferring certain civilian authorities soon. This would initially be handled through the Civil-Military Coordination Center, or CMCC, which has been established in Kiryat Gat.

The Americans are deeply involved in establishing the humanitarian zones in areas under Israeli control, including a major one in the southern part of the strip and several smaller ones in both the south and the north. Several countries are participating in creating these areas, including Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, the US, Morocco and others.

The post Saudi Arabia nears historic normalization framework with Israel appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

"I think right now it's almost impossible," said Alghashian, a researcher of Saudi foreign policy, in an interview with Israel Hayom. "First of all, Netanyahu has made relations with Israel and his government too toxic. Saudi public opinion has a very negative perception regarding normalization, and in effect Saudi Arabia is distancing itself from normalization. Second, the things Saudi Arabia wants from the US are achievable in stages. It can achieve a defense alliance because that doesn't require Congressional approval."

Beyond that, Alghashian noted that since Israel's strike in Qatar, its perception in Saudi Arabia has become particularly negative. "I think many people are trying to raise speculation out of wishful thinking or even as part of a certain practice. It has become the norm to raise speculation about normalization. It seems as if nothing else is happening in the region besides this. There is a situation of ethnic cleansing in Sudan, but people mainly talk about Saudi Arabia and Israel."

Factors are in motion

According to him, there are too many factors related to normalization that "are in motion" – like the elections in Israel, the conduct of the administration in the US, and even potential elections in the Palestinian Authority – so it's doubtful whether Saudi Arabia will even consider such a move.

When asked by Israel Hayom why Saudi Arabia views the strike against Hamas leaders in Qatar as something negative, he replied: "It's not necessarily related to Hamas. There isn't much love for Hamas in Saudi Arabia, it must be said. What the Saudis were furious about is that the talks (regarding a ceasefire agreement and hostage deal) were held in Qatar because that's what the Americans wanted for this mediation. Netanyahu and his people appreciated the fact that Qatar was mediating and serving as a channel of communication. From the Saudi point of view, the reason for the fury is the fact that the Qataris hosted the mediation efforts and Netanyahu attacked Doha.

"Another reason is that right now it seems Israel reaches anywhere it wants in the Middle East. It shows that, and it doesn't hide it. That's another reason why Saudi Arabia is not interested in normalizing its relations with Israel right now. Any discussion about normalization now will appear as if it's being conducted from a position of weakness on Saudi Arabia's part, or that it's being pushed into normalization forcibly. That's something that would be considered political suicide, to be honest. There's also a question regarding relations with the US. There is a lack of trust because the Americans are not willing to restrain Netanyahu."

Different government

Given that there will be a different government in Israel, will this development advance normalization, or is it more complicated?

"In my opinion, if such a government could bring something to the Palestinian issue, then it could happen, but it's more complicated than that. Theoretically, it's not enough, as I think a significant move is needed to be convincing to both parties. First of all, for the Saudi public opinion. Right now, Saudi public opinion must be taken into account. For a long time, they say 'Palestinian state.'

"Therefore, anything less than a state will need to be significant enough. Another matter is that the Palestinian Authority also needs to be convinced by this move. That the Palestinian Authority will say 'yes, this is good enough.' Lapid, Eisenkot, and even Bennett can get there, but these are the conditions. And this doesn't include the American component. The Saudi public knows much more about the dynamics of the occupation and the Palestinian-Israeli issue. That's the reason something significant is needed, and public opinion needs to be taken into account more."

You mentioned the influence of Saudi public opinion on decision-making. Is this a new phenomenon, or has the royal house considered this over the years?

"It's not new," he said. "Saudi Arabia always took public opinion into account. This is one of the reasons why, historically, the Saudis were gradual or slow in their process regarding Israel and regarding their foreign relations in general.

"That's the reason why people think Saudi Arabia opened quickly under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, when the reality is that it's part of a gradual process. In foreign policy decisions, they always took local public opinion into account. That's the reason why fatwas (religious rulings) are very important, and they will continue to be important. You can see this even in the case of 'Desert Storm' (the first Gulf War, in which American forces were deployed to the kingdom). Believe it or not, Saudi Arabia made relations with Israel legitimate in the early 1990s in religious discourse."

The post 'Normalization with Bennett – possible, Netanyahu – never' appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.