"In the middle of the prayer, while I was praying for a good year and peace in the world, I closed my eyes, when suddenly I felt a cold spray on my face," D'Or described the shocking moment. "I opened my eyes to see strong red paint, blood-like, on my clothes, on my face, and on the stage and musicians."

The singer described how his song list became stained with blood-like paint, adding that "Red paint stains brought me back to the sights of horror from October 7."

Video: Israeli singer David D'Or attacked with red paint by a pro-Palestinian activist during his performance in Warsaw. Credit: Courtesy of Ofer Menachem PR

"The shocked audience began a murmur of terror and crying," D'Or described. "I understood that I had to pull myself together and encourage them. I continued singing and asked everyone to close their eyes and pray for the people of Israel." Despite the shock, the singer continued with the performance. "It wasn't simple, my eyes teared from pain and great sadness from the situation we've reached. At the end of the show, the audience sang along with me, and we emerged stronger." According to D'Or, the violin player was very frightened by the incident and thought they had poured acid on them. He concluded his post with a prayer. "What terrible days, may God have mercy. I pray for good days, amen."

On Monday, the singer responded to the incident in a video released. "I want to say thank you to all the wonderful people who are sending me responses and strengthening me. There's no one like our people in the world.

"We went through a really traumatic experience, but we didn't break and won't break. I will continue to come to every place that invites me. I am proud to be Israeli, I am proud to be Jewish, and I am proud to try to connect different religions, people, and opinions through this wonderful tool called music. We will not break and they will not break us," he concluded his remarks.

This is another antisemitic incident in a series of events across Europe since the outbreak of the Gaza War.

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Here's another way to get a coveted European passport: direct a successful film that compliments one of the EU countries. That's exactly what Jesse Eisenberg did, the American-Jewish filmmaker behind the moving comedy-drama "A Real Pain." In the film, Kieran Culkin and Eisenberg, who won the Best Supporting Actor Oscar this week for his role, play two Jewish cousins who embark on a journey in Poland after their grandmother's death, and connect with their roots.

Eisenberg (41), who wrote the screenplay for "A Real Pain" and is of Polish descent, based the plot on his coming-of-age period and his family's history during the Holocaust. Last year he applied for Polish citizenship, and now – and we hope it's not just because his film won an Oscar – his application has been approved. In a ceremony held on Tuesday in New York, Eisenberg was granted the citizenship he so desired by none other than the President of Poland, Andrzej Duda.

"It's a once-in-a-lifetime honor and something I've wanted very much for two decades," Jesse said in his speech upon receiving citizenship and added: "When we filmed the movie in Poland, I walked the streets and started to feel a bit more at ease in the country. I realized that my family lived in this place longer than we've lived in New York. Of course, it ended in tragedy, but in addition to that historical tragedy, there's also the tragedy that my family no longer felt connected to Poland."

"It made me very sad and clarified for me that I really want to try to connect with it more. I hope that this ceremony and this great honor tonight is a first step for me, on behalf of my family, to reconnect with this beautiful country," Eisenberg concluded.

Later this year we'll see Eisenberg on the big screen once again, in the thriller sequel "Now You See Me 3" in which he'll star alongside Morgan Freeman, Daniel Radcliffe, Woody Harrelson, and others – nearly a decade after he last collaborated with this impressive cast.

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Polish President Andrzej Duda has requested special protection for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to attend the 80th anniversary of Auschwitz's liberation without risk of arrest, Bloomberg reported on Tuesday. The request comes amid international legal challenges facing the Israeli leader.

In a Jan. 8 letter to Prime Minister Donald Tusk reviewed by Bloomberg, Duda emphasized the need to ensure Netanyahu's presence would remain "unhindered" during his time in Poland, citing the "absolutely exceptional circumstances" of the commemoration.

The International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for Netanyahu in November, following allegations of war crimes in Gaza. The warrant came after the ICC's chief prosecutor's investigation into Israel's military operation against the Hamas terror organization.

The commemoration of the Nazi death camp's liberation is set for Jan. 27. When asked about Netanyahu's attendance plans, his spokesperson said no invitation had been received yet.

Duda's request potentially creates a diplomatic challenge for the Polish government. Poland's status as an ICC treaty signatory requires it to comply with the court's decisions regarding accountability for mass atrocity crimes.

Despite his frequent disagreements with Tusk's administration, Duda expressed confidence in the letter that the government could develop an "adequate formula" to guarantee Netanyahu's safety while respecting international law and honoring the significance of the Auschwitz liberation commemoration.

Neither the Polish government spokesperson nor the president's office provided immediate comment when contacted by Bloomberg about the matter.

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Since the start of the war in Gaza, several Holocaust memorials in Poland have been repeatedly vandalized. Recently, the central monument commemorating the heroes of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising was also desecrated.  In none of these cases have Polish authorities apprehended the culprits.

Israel's ambassador to Poland, Dr. Yacov Livne, wrote on X (formerly Twitter): "Shameful vandalism at Warsaw's memorial for 300,000 (!) Jews deported to Treblinka. Poland has a special responsibility to protect Jewish & Holocaust sites; hold vandals accountable." Livne urged Polish authorities to find and punish those responsible for these desecrations.

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The Polish government's ambitious military modernization continues, including the acquisition of 96 AH-64E Apache attack helicopters from the US and 212 self-propelled howitzers from South Korea. These moves position Poland to become Europe's leading military power—outpacing Germany, France, and potentially the UK in the near future—second only to Vladimir Putin's Russia in strength. Moreover, Poland's close relationship with the White House has cemented its growing importance within NATO, which it joined in 1999 alongside the Czech Republic and Hungary.

Like Sweden, Poland is bolstering its defenses in response to the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. Polish officials state that these investments aim to deter Russia and prevent further escalation. "The $11 billion we've allocated to strengthening Poland's army is an insurance policy for our freedom," said Defense Minister Mariusz Błaszczak.

Additionally, Warsaw has launched the "Eastern Shield" program to reinforce its borders with Belarus and Russia's Kaliningrad enclave. This initiative includes physical barriers and advanced surveillance systems.

Historical tensions with Russia

Poland's fear of Russian aggression is not unfounded. It is rooted in centuries of animosity dating back to the 17th century, marked by mutual invasions. Following Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Poland immediately voiced its support for Kyiv and quickly put words into actions, further straining relations with Moscow.

Poland has not only hosted 1.5 million Ukrainian refugees but also emerged as a key transit hub for military aid to Ukraine. The Polish government has contributed substantial military aid, including 324 tanks, 18 howitzers, and 42 combat vehicles, many inherited from the Soviet era. According to the Kiel Institute for the World Economy in Germany, which tracks international aid to Ukraine, Poland's contributions exceed €4 billion, with three-quarters allocated to weaponry.

The leadership transition from conservative Jarosław Kaczyński to liberal Donald Tusk in 2023 has not altered Poland's defense overhaul. The Homeland Defense Act, passed in 2022, mandates the military to expand its ranks from 120,000 soldiers to 300,000 by 2035. Discussions about reinstating mandatory military service are also underway.

Last summer, Poland launched an initiative called "Vacation with the Army," a 28-day program offering basic combat training to individuals aged 18 and over, many of whom are recent high school graduates. Participants receive 6,000 zlotys (€1,400) for their training. The program, available in 70 locations across Poland, has attracted significant interest from young Poles. "Russia's large-scale invasion of Ukraine has inspired many Poles to take up national defense," said Michał Tomczyk, a Defense Ministry spokesperson.

The bulk of Poland's defense spending is directed toward advanced weaponry, including air defense missile launchers, AMRAAM air-to-air missiles, F-35 fighter jets, HIMARS rocket launchers, Hercules transport planes, Black Hawk helicopters, Javelin anti-tank missiles, and Turkish drones. Warsaw also announced plans to acquire 1,400 new tanks, many from South Korea, which has become Poland's second-largest arms supplier after the US, ahead of Turkey.

In 2023, Poland's defense budget stood at 97.4 billion zlotys (€20 billion), equivalent to nearly 4% of its GDP. Recent agreements will increase this to 4.7% of GDP by 2025—the highest proportion among NATO members. These unprecedented figures highlight Poland's readiness to confront Vladimir Putin's military should Russia cross another red line in Eastern Europe's fragile geopolitical landscape.

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Unidentified perpetrators vandalized the Jewish cemetery in Biłgoraj, Poland, on Tuesday night, defacing the memorial wall with graffiti related to the ongoing conflict in Gaza, including hate messages and a swastika, Polish media outlet, Lublin112.pl, reported.

It's not the first time such acts have happened in the city and the region. Decisive action is needed. https://t.co/WThvzbOGzN

— Amb. Yacov Livne (@YacovLivne) November 27, 2024

The vandals spray-painted the cemetery's memorial wall with a message saying, "This year, Jews murdered 44,000 women and children." The perpetrators also drew an equals sign between a symbol of the Star of David and a swastika.

Israel's Ambassador to Poland Yacov Livne strongly condemned the incident on social media: "Appalling Antisemitism in Bilgoraj, Poland. A report today on a Holocaust memorial vandalized. Again, in Poland. Where are the authorities? It's not the first time such acts have happened in the city and the region. Decisive action is needed."

The vandals' graffiti contained spelling errors, including writing "KOBIE" instead of "KOBIET" (women) and "ZAMORDOWALL" instead of "ZAMORDOWALI" (murdered), leading social media commentators to speculate that the perpetrators are not fluent in Polish and must be foreigners. One wrote, "There are far more spelling mistakes in these few words than a child learning to write can make." Another wrote, "Not written by Poles, too many mistakes."

Biłgoraj police are actively investigating the incident and working to identify those responsible for the vandalism.

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Polish far-right party Confederation has made a significant breakthrough, entering the European Parliament for the first time after securing 12% of the vote. The party is known for its antisemitic and anti-Israel stance, setting it apart from many other right-wing parties in Europe.

This electoral success has positioned Confederation as the third largest party in Poland, trailing only the ruling party and the main opposition party Law and Justice, which is also recognized for its right-wing views. Last week, Grzegorz Braun, a prominent leader of Confederation, released an election video laced with antisemitic rhetoric, drawing condemnation from Israel's Ambassador to Poland Yacov Livne.

Video: Braun douses Hanukkah menorah in Polish parliament

Braun has previously made inflammatory statements, claiming that "the Jews have been waging war against the Polish nation for hundreds of years and tried to turn Poland into a Jewish state." In 2019, the party's chairman declared, "We don't want Jews here, we don't want LGBT, we don't want taxes, and we don't want the European Union."

Braun, now elected to the European Parliament, gained notoriety last December for extinguishing a Hanukkah menorah in the Polish parliament with a fire extinguisher, labeling Judaism as a "cult of the Talmud and Satan." Leaders of Confederation frequently allege that their political opponents serve the interests of Jews and Israel.

Since the outbreak of the war in Gaza, representatives of Confederation have intensified their anti-Israel and antisemitic rhetoric, accusing Israel of committing genocide against Palestinians and calling for Livne's expulsion.

The party's rise is seen as a reflection of the persistent antisemitism prevalent in certain segments of Polish society. Confederation's stance appears to resonate with these societal undercurrents, fueling their unprecedented electoral achievement.

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A devastating fire broke out on Sunday morning at the Marywilska 44 shopping complex in Warsaw's Bialoleka district, housing 1,400 shops and service outlets. The fire brigade reported that more than 80% of the vast complex was ablaze, prompting the deployment of 50 teams, including chemical and environmental rescue specialists, to carry out rescue operations.

Polish authorities reported a fire at the Marywilska 44 shopping center in Warsaw as of the morning of May 12. A warning has been issued for nearby residents to stay home and close their windows. pic.twitter.com/fC1h2Yehp5

— Farnak (@Farnakyboy) May 12, 2024

Magdalena, a resident of Warsaw, told Israel Hayom, "The smell of smoke from the fire could be felt miles away." Footage aired by the private broadcaster TVN24 showed thick black smoke billowing over the area, as the flames engulfed the shopping center. According to a police spokesperson quoted by the PAP news agency, no injuries were reported. Authorities also issued a text message warning to Warsaw residents, advising them to stay indoors with windows closed due to the fire.

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When Leon Gershovich, an educator and historian who researches the history of the Soviet Union Jews, recounts the uprising of the Jews in the small town of Lakhva in September 1942, it is difficult not to get goosebumps. The centuries-old Jewish community of the town, today part of Belarus territory, was home to at least 2000 people right before the Holocaust. When the Germans captured Lakhva approximately two weeks after they invaded the Soviet Union, only a few Jewish residents managed to flee. The rest were trapped and waited for their demise.

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At first, Berel (Dov) Loftin, the head of the town's Judenrat, succeeded in thwarting the mass murder of the town's Jewish population by bribing the Germans. Still, for them, it was only a temporary delay of the inevitable. At the beginning of April 1942, a ghetto was built in Lakhva, and in it, they placed not only the local Jews but also the Jews of the surrounding area.

In the face of the reports of the extermination of Jews in other towns, the young people living in the ghetto began organizing clandestinely. At first, they did this as a group of five people led by Yitzchak Rochtzin, commander of the Betar Movement's nest in Lakhva, and later another approximately 30 young people organized into similar groups. They hoarded cold weapons and forged connections with a partisan who was a town resident and with the Judenrat to acquire weapons.

On September 3rd, 1942, the Germans and the local police support encircled the ghetto. Rochtzin alerted the movement's members and wanted to breach the ghetto's fences immediately, but Loftin requested they wait until morning. When he discovered in the morning that the Germans were destroying the ghetto, he torched the Judenrat's establishment and sent people to set fire to the rest of the houses and warehouses in the ghetto.

"The resistance movement's members began a rebellion, at first in the southern part of the ghetto and afterward in its northern part," Doctor Gershovich recounts. "Rochtzin pounced on a German soldier, using an axe to crush his head. Other Germans shot and killed him. Under the cover of the raging fire and turmoil, about 1000 Jews in the ghetto breached the gates and fled. Loftin was injured but managed to reach the forest, as did 600 others. About 400 Jews were killed mid-flight. Six German and eight police support officers were killed, and some were injured.

"Most of those who fled were captured over the following few days. About 120 Lakhva Jews wanted to join the partisans in the area but were rejected by them. So, they established a Jewish partisan unit composed of 25 members that operated until January 1943, when its members left it to join Soviet partisan units. All in all, 90 of those who fled Lakhva survived to the end of the war."

Many do not know this story of the bravery of the uprising in Lakhva, like other stories of uprisings that occurred at that time in other small towns in the area. Most of them are commemorated, primarily in the local communities' Yizkor remembrance books, but were omitted from the central discourse of the teachings of the Jewish Holocaust Remembrance.

Gershovich, who will be presenting his research on the causes of these rebellions at an international conference that will take place in Warsaw initiated by the POLIN Museum of the History of Polish Jews, explains that "there have been quite a few survivors of the most famous uprising in Warsaw, and because some have them were part of Israel's leadership when the state was established, the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising became a symbol."

A brave fight – and a tragic ending

"The ghetto uprisings began in mid-1942," says Gershovich. "They occurred in response to the rumors about the mass deportation or murder of Jews from nearby communities, in response to the Germans' attempts to exterminate the Jews, or because of reports regarding planned acts such as these. Some uprisings were preorganized, and some were spontaneous.

"Cases of spontaneous opposition by Jews in the ghettos to the murders committed by the Germans and their allies began as early as 1941 following the Nazis' invasion of the Soviet Union and the beginning of their murder of the Jewish population there. This is how it was, for example, in Pasvalys in Lithuania. But these were only individual cases with little to no success, and reports on them are few and far between."

Yitzchak Rochtzin, one of the Lakhva ghetto uprising's leaders, said: "We have nothing to lose. It is better to fall from a bullet while running than to run to your grave. There is a chance that some will succeed in fleeing and will avenge those who will be murdered."

In May 1942, the Radin Ghetto Uprising occurred in the west of today's Belarus. The tragic course of events in this town is similar to what will happen in three months in Lakhva and other places. On May 8th, the ghetto was encircled, and its gates were blocked, and two days later, 100 Jewish men were taken to dig pits outside the town. While digging, the men waited for a signal from the blacksmith Meir Stolier, and when they received it, they charged the guards with shovels and fled. Seventeen of them managed to escape, and the rest were shot. Approximately 1000 of the ghetto's residents were taken to the trenches and murdered there, while about 300 craftsmen and their families were left inside the ghetto. During the uprising, about 300 Jews managed to escape or hide. The ghetto ceased to operate about a month later when the Jews who were left alive or those who survived by hiding were transferred to the Szczuczyn Ghetto.

The Slonim Ghetto Uprising, also located in today's Belarus, was preplanned and occurred at the end of June 1942. Tunnels leading outside the ghetto were dug during the preparations, and on the morning of June 29th, the Jewish families entered them. The resistance movement members, led by David Epstein, fired upon the German soldiers and the police support force. At least five Germans were killed, and some were injured. Several Jews fled to the forests, and several dozen established a partisan combat group.

In retaliation to the uprising, the Nazis set fire to the ghetto, and it was destroyed by July 15th. Throughout those two weeks, thousands of Jews were murdered in their homes, on the streets, and inside the firing trenches near Slonim.

In September 1942, the Jews living in the Tuchin Ghetto, located in northwestern Ukraine of our time, rebelled. 

Gecel Szwarcman, head of the local Judenrat, and his deputy, Meir Himmelfarb, began organizing an uprising along with other young people from Tuchin as early as July. They gathered weapons, prepared flammable materials, and organized groups of fighters for when the day came. The resistance movement fighters had rifles, guns, hand grenades, and a little ammunition.

On September 24th, the German officers and the Ukrainian cooperators encircled the ghetto and began raining fire upon it. Jewish fighters returned fire, and other Jews torched all the ghetto's houses and synagogues that the Germans converted into warehouses. The ghetto's fence was breached in several places.

Approximately 2000 of the ghetto's residents fled to the nearby Postomity forests, and two Ukrainian officers and several Germans were killed in the fighting. About 1000 of those who fled were captured within three days and were executed; approximately 300 women and children returned to the ghetto of their own volition because of the difficult conditions in the forest.

On September 26th, Szwarcman and Himmelfarb came forward to the Germans, identified themselves as the organizers of the uprising, and requested they be allowed to die in the Jewish cemetery. They were both shot and killed. Almost all those who remained in the forest died, were turned in, or murdered by the locals, and a few of the young Jewish people joined the Soviet partisan units.

In August 1943, the Jews of Hlybokaye, Belarus, rebelled. From 1942 resistance units comprised young people operating in the town's ghetto, several of whom joined the partisans. On August 15th, 1943, during a meeting of the resistance movement's leadership, they decided to rebel, blow up the town's government buildings and take advantage of the resulting turmoil to escape the ghetto.

The operation was even coordinated with the partisans in the area. On August 17th, the partisans attacked the Germans in the nearby towns and drew nearer to Hlybokaye. The Germans defended the town with tanks, cannons, and soldiers, and on August 18th, after a battle in which air support was also given to the Germans, the partisans were forced to retreat, and the Germans encircled the ghetto.

On the morning of August 19th, when the Germans attempted to enter the ghetto and locate Jews in hiding places, the resistance fighters began firing at them. Several armed Jews tried fleeing, but the Germans opened fire on them with machine guns and cannons, and most were killed. Only a few managed to escape. According to the partisans' data, about 100 Germans were killed in these battles. On August 20th, the ghetto was bombarded by planes, and many were killed. Almost all the Jews who remained in the ghetto, including Liberman, were killed in the act. The few survivors joined the partisans.

Human dilemmas that discouraged Jews from acting

Rochtzin's poignant words before the Lakhva Ghetto Uprising were echoed by others in the other towns where the Jews rebelled. "We need to be first, without fear, not to retreat," called Rochtzin to his comrades before the start of the battle. "If someone's fate is to fall in battle, he can find comfort in the fact that he has paved the way to life for others. We have nothing to lose. It is better to fall from a bullet while running than to run toward your grave. We have a chance that several will be able to escape and avenge those killed. Our goal – is forward, not retreat."

The chronicles of history may not have preserved the names of all the resistance leaders like Rochtzin in the other ghettos or the exact words they spoke. Still, the uprisings in Dzisna, Druya, Nyasvizh, Kletsk, Torchyn, Turiisk, Sarny, and Kostopil prove that at any given time, this was possible – desperate Jews did not go to their deaths like sheep to the slaughter.

In Tuchyn, the Germans and Ukrainians encircled the ghetto and began to rain fire on it. Jewish resistance fighters returned fire, and others torched all the ghetto's houses and synagogues that the Germans converted into warehouses.

Most of the uprisings occurred between the summers of 1942 and 1943, in an area that was once a part of Poland between the two world wars but became a part of the Soviet Union in September 1939 and today belongs to Belarus. This raises two main questions: why then and why there?

Gershovich reminds us that the debate on these matters began well before he began researching them. He explains that Yitzchak Arad, may his memory be blessed – a Holocaust researcher and a partisan himself who fought the Nazis in his youth – ascribed similar attributes to all the ghettos in which uprisings occurred: organization and the torching of the ghettos, the breach of the ghetto's fences and gates and escape into the forests. No less important is that these ghettos were characterized by the Judenrat's and the Jewish police's association in the underground organizations and the uprisings.

"The characteristics of the uprisings in the small ghettos can be divided into objective and subjective ones that are connected to the motives of the Jews who participated in the active resistance of the Germans," says Gershovich. "In the first group of motives, I include the element of topography –proximity to forested areas to which people can easily escape and from within it to wage partisan warfare, and also the element of land cover: most of the small ghettos were characterized by small one-story houses made of wood that did not provide hiding places and were not suited for urban warfare, but did allow people to relatively easily torch them and take advantage of the chaos to breach the fences and escape."

Q: So, were the ghettos' proximity to the partisans' areas of operation and the Jews' ability to join them the main factors in their decision to rebel?

"Yes and no – the ghettos' proximity to the forests was not the only factor. Geographical conditions, such as proximity to huge forests, had great significance in the decisions the Jews made to rebel and when they considered the possible means of rescue, but there were many other factors taken into account as well. Shalom Cholawski, may his memory be blessed, another Holocaust researcher who was also a partisan, spoke about the objective causes that made it difficult for Jews to integrate into the partisans' operations. The Jews were a minority in a non-Jewish setting. Most were disconnected from nature and did not know the areas and roads.

"To this, you need to add additional problems: a shortage of weapons, the need to contend with antisemitism that only became stronger due to the Nazi propaganda, timetables that worked against the Jews, and the fact that the ghettos were cut off from one another. And there were subjective factors that prevented active resistance: the Jews' belief in the sanctity of life that would discourage them from rebelling, the illusion that not all Jews would be exterminated, distrust of the forest and the non-Jewish surroundings in general, a lack of tradition of combat, the Judenrat that was an obstacle for the resistance, commitments to family, the dilemma of dying in the forest or the ghetto, the dilemma of fighting under siege in the ghetto or fighting in the woods, collective responsibility and a lack of authoritative leadership.

"In contrast to the factors that made things more difficult for the Jews was their hope in their active resistance – their hope that they will survive and be rescued, and, at the same time, their hope for revenge. At times, the hope for revenge motivated them more than the hope for survival."

Doctor Gershovich: "When reevaluating the uprisings in the small ghettos, giving them a more central place in the narrative and ethos of the active Jewish resistance of the Nazis is appropriate."

Gershovich offers another explanation for the common denominator between the uprisings in the small ghettos. This explanation is connected to what the Jewish population in these areas went through before the Germans arrived, primarily the process of Sovietization the general population, and the Jewish population specifically, went through after the annexation of the East Berlin territories to the Soviet Union in September 1939.

"For nearly two years, the Soviet regime pressured the Jews – culturally, religiously, and politically. This pressure included intense propaganda, economic and occupational pressure, imprisonments, exiles, and recruitment of activists as agents of Soviet security and secret services.

"This pressure led activity with political and ideological characteristics to go underground, thereby somewhat unifying it while blurring its ideological disputes, decreasing its political polarization, and laying out a conceptual and practical base for joint activity. Supplemented by personal acquaintance and friendships between people, an infrastructure was laid out for creating active resistance to the Nazis' policy of the eradication of the Jews after the German army captured the area."

Paradoxically, the Sovietization trend considerably united different political and ideological authorities who tended to argue with one another in the pre-Soviet era. In simple terms, after the Jews experienced the "wonders of the Communist Garden of Eden", they realized that their worldviews did not mean much compared to external threats.

Q: How were the Jews prepared over the course of two years under Soviet rule for what would await them when the Germans conquered them?

"The Sovietization included religious and political prosecution and prevented open Jewish and Zionist activity. Therefore, the Jews needed to adapt and keep their activity secret, which created an infrastructure for their organization, at least in several ghettos. However, this Sovietization was short-lived and did not significantly change many aspects of the Jews' lives and awareness. They were left mainly with an affinity for tradition, the Hebrew language, Zionism, and total Jewish solidarity, certainly in times of distress.

"Obviously, it is not enough to look only at the two years of the area's life under Soviet rule. For almost two decades beforehand, this area was under Polish rule. During this time, the Jews lived exciting and dynamic lives, and the Jewish-Zionist education, in particular, both formal and informal, thrived.

"Regarding formal education, the 'Tarbut' network of schools was prominent. Although it was secular, it was not anti-religious, and it honored Jewish tradition in its institutions' life and educational programs. It even maintained constructive relations with political parties and youth movements from all over the Zionist political spectrum."

Survival before ideology

The "Tarbut" movement's main activity in Poland between the two world wars was in eastern Poland – western Belarus and Ukraine of today. Its prominent presence alongside the other education networks points to a distinct Zionist movement. Gershovich is convinced that due to this movement's educational and cultural activity, a generation of Jews who were politically alert, ideologically conscious, and connected to Jewish tradition and the Hebrew language was born.

Gershovich demonstrates his words and the cultural background that cultivated the uprisings with the letters of Yosef Levine, born in 1926 in Lipnishki, to his older brother, Avner, who made Aliyah to Israel and kept his letters. These letters were written in almost fluent Hebrew when Yosef was about ten years old. In them, the boy very maturely discusses the situation of the Jews in Poland in the second half of the 1930s while emphasizing their experience of antisemitism and the Polish population's hostility towards the Jews.

"I feel uncomfortable going to school with Polish people who downright despise us," writes Levine. "Everywhere we go, they hit us and drive us away to somewhere else… what do those cruel people want from the Jewish nation scattered all over the world? Do they want to erase the name of Israel off the face of the Earth? They will never succeed in destroying it. The nation of Israel will live forever. Because this small nation is stubborn and does not need to give up…."

"This incredible letter, and the clear opinions that are given in it, suggest the mood of the young generations in the towns of East Poland between the two world wars," says Gershovich. He adds that alongside the institutions of formal education and, to some degree, integration with them, establishments of informal ideological education operated until the autumn of 1939. First and foremost were the youth movements and organizations that represented the Jewish population's entire political spectrum that existed back then.

"The study of the Hebrew language and its use did not indicate an inter-generational gap between the younger and older people. In several towns, the population even used the Hebrew language in their day-to-day lives.

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"In this area, also in the distinctly secular youth movements, modern Zionism was not perceived as a revolution, but rather as continuity, the making the 'dreams of the generations' come true. This aspect is another reason for the 'of the people' and multi-generational personality of the uprisings in the small ghettos."

In this regard, Gershovich focuses our attention on the 'of the people' characteristic of the uprisings in the small ghettos: "The insurrectionists there were not generally activists with a distinct political or ideological profile (which characterized a significant number of the Warsaw Ghetto insurrectionists, for example), but were rather people from all layers of Jewish society whose motives for rebellion were colored less with distinct hues of ideology and more by survival and life experience – an expression of 'of the people' Jewish activism."

Q: Why is it important to insist on all the causes of the uprisings against the Nazis?

"When reevaluating the uprisings in the small ghettos, it is appropriate to give them a more central place in the narrative and ethos of the active Jewish resistance of the Nazis during the Holocaust and make them a more significant part of the historical remembrance – of the Jews and the world in general – of the Holocaust.

"Learning about these uprisings, the characters who led them, and the Jews who survived thanks to them can be a source of inspiration for teenagers or anyone. Those Jews proved that even in moments of significant challenge and seemingly impossible conditions, it is possible and even proper to act to change and shape reality."

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WARSAW – The trilateral meeting between the presidents of Israel, Germany, and Poland – Isaac Herzog, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, and Andrzej Duda – to mark the 80th anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising is designed to send a message of reconciliation between the three nations regarding the animosities over World War II that have clouded relations in recent years. Herzog's arrival in Warsaw is supposed to complete the reconciliation process between Israel and Poland, which has accelerated in the wake of the Ukraine war. This presidential visit was made possible in part after the remaining stumbling block had been removed: the issue of Israeli high school students visiting Nazideath camps. The two presidents have played a key role in that thaw, and this week, on the even to the anniversary of the Jewish uprising against the Nazi occupiers, Duda – a friend of the Jewish people and Israel – granted Israel Hayom an exclusive interview where he discussed the future of the ties, as well as their past. The interview was conducted at the presidential palace in the Polish capital.

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Q: What is the historical significance of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising for Poland today? 

"First, we feel this is part of our shared history. This was an uprising of the Polish Jews in World War II. In Israel, this is of course an important historical event in Jewish history. The Germans imprisoned the Jews in the Ghetto, and the younger residents decided to revolt and took up arms and fought. Most were killed because they had no real chance to survive. They showed their immense heroism through their actions. Today, in Israel, the uprising is part of the national narrative but this is also an important part of Polish history during the war period. We see it as our own uprising. I will say that it was a Polish uprising because the fighters were Jewish Poles, citizens of Poland. As such, they were part of Polish history. Many of them hailed from the Polish intelligentsia; they were educated people from a variety of occupations. The Germans are the ones who separated these Polish Jews from the greater Polish society. They put a mark of Cain on them. When the Germans occupied Poland, they destroyed the Polish state and forced the Jews to wear a yellow star. This is how they started the separation between them and the rest of Polish society."

Q: To what degree did the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising serve as an inspiration for the Warsaw Uprising about a year later on August 1, 1944? 

"The two uprisings were intertwined. There were two uprisings in Warsaw, and people often conflate the two. The Warsaw Uprising that broke out on August 1, 1944, had a wider scope. It took place all over the city. But the results of both uprisings were pretty similar and that is indeed very symbolic: After the ghetto uprising the Nazis decided to raze it to the ground. They turned into a sea of rubble. After the Warsaw Uprising was suppressed, the Germans began under Hitler's orders to destroy the entire city. He instructed them not to leave even one brick in place. Warsaw shared the same fate as the ghetto; the ghetto's survivors found a safe haven with their fellow Poles in Warsaw. When the Warsaw Uprising began many of them joined the combat against the Germans. Their decision to help the fighting has a big symbolic significance."

Q: How has President Isaac Herzog's presence at the anniversary events normalized relations once again between the two sides? 

"It is a very positive thing to have the president of Israel arrive in Poland to take part in the commemoration events. The reason for that is because we can say that this was a joint uprising for both Poland and Israel. It is a very positive thing that the two countries have both sought to honor the memory of the heroes of the ghetto uprising. It is very good that both sides want to bow their heads and pay their respects for the heroism of the uprising's fighters."

Q: Have we reached a point where we can say that history can unite us rather than divide us? 

"It is important to understand that before the war Poland was a big country where millions of people lived together. Poles, Jews, other ethnicities. All were citizens of the Polish republic. After Poland won independence in 1918, those groups fought several times to preserve it. If you visit the cemeteries where Polish soldiers who fought for independence against the Soviets in 1920 are buried, you will notice crosses, as well as Stars of Davids. You will also see crescents because Tatars also fought for Poland. The number of graves with crosses is obviously the largest and the second largest is the group of Stars of David. All of them mark the graves of soldiers of the Polish military. That multi-ethnic society comprised the Polish military in 1939 that fought the German invaders. It included both non-Jewish Poles and Jews. That is why many of the insurgents in the Ghetto knew how to take up arms. They got their combat experience in the Polish military. Many Jewish Poles fought in Anders' Army that fought on behalf of Poland alongside the Allies. Many of the troops in that army later took part in the founding of the state of Israel and fought for it. In Israel's early years, the Polish language was very common in the Knesset. That is why I speak of joint history and that is why the presence of Israel's president in the commemoration events is very important. For me,  the relations between the two countries, including the diplomatic ties, should be the natural state of affairs and self-evident."

Q: Why was Germany's president invited? 

"President Steinmeier, whom I know well, wanted to be part of this event. He believes that it is his duty as the president of the nation that perpetrated the crimes to be here and pay his respects to those who perished in the uprising. I hope that his presence will represent peace, forgiveness, and the desire for coexistence between our nations forever." 

Q: Is the trilateral meeting an opportunity to discuss a collaborative German-Israeli-Polish framework to deal with the past and the memory? For example, to expand the tours of high school students to Germany rather than have them visit only Poland? 

"It will be a very positive thing if the programs for those tours include an itinerary that reflects the history of the Holocaust. In view of that, it would be a good thing that the tours begin near Berlin, in Wannsee, where the senior Nazi leadership decided on implementing the "Final Solution." Nazism was born in Germany, that is where the Kristallnacht pogrom took place and that is where the roots of the Holocaust can be found. That is where the first concentration camps were created. The Germans began setting up the concentration and death camps in Poland only after they occupied our land and annexed it to the Reich by creating the Generalgouvernement. That is how they set up the Auschwitz-Birkenau camp, which has a German name. This is a camp that symbolizes the Holocaust for many Jews, especially younger ones. It was a German camp. That is why the pilgrimage to those death sites should begin in Germany; that is where the Holocaust was devised; from there it should continue to contemporary Poland, which was then occupied by Germany.

"However, we want that when Israelis visit Poland today, that they would not be limited to the years where the Nazis carried out the Holocaust and the genocide of the Jewish nation. We want them to see that the presence of Jews in Poland and the coexistence between the Poles and the Jews continued for a period of 1000 years. We want them to see with their own eyes how many elements of Jewish culture were incorporated into modern-day Polish culture, and how the two cultures were intertwined for 1000 years, and how much our two nations share. I want them to hear how many words from their language were adopted by the Polish language." 

Q: In that context, it was recently reported that Poland has supposedly forced Israel, as part of the agreement to renew the tours, to include sites that commemorate Poles who murdered Jews. Is that so? 

"I heard about that report and about a statement by a well-known politician who served in the previous government in Israel and who has a very well-known hostile stance toward Poland and the Poles. Let me put it this way: For us, he is a habitual liar. He has a vested political interest in dividing between our two nations and countries. I have no qualms saying that: He is hurting the vital interests of Israel. I will explain why: Poland has always been a country that has a friendly stance toward Israel. On many occasions, we have defended Israel in international bodies. Even when the EU issued condemnations against Israeli policy, Poland did not. For many decades we have treated Israel with great friendliness. This has manifested itself in certain areas that I cannot elaborate on. Those who try to sabotage the relations between Poland and Israel try to undermine Israeli interests, including the security interests. This is what I have to say on this matter." 

Q: You don't want to mention that politician by name? 

"Everyone knows who I am talking about." 

Q: Is the 5-year crisis that the two countries had in their relations over? 

"In recent years we have seen a drop in the intensity of Polish-Israeli relations. It would be fair to say that this is due to the "success" of the person talked about. That person hurt the Polish people and humiliated them. We believe there is no reason to take part in such dialogue and that is why we chose to stay silent. We reached a conclusion that if the Israeli government did not need us as a friend then we cannot be friends. However, we still hope that Israel wants to have a friend in this part of Europe that is not indifferent to it. Very simple. For that reason, the president's visit and the call I had with him are good signs of friendship being renewed." 

Q: What are the lessons that can be learned from this crisis to ensure it never returns? 

 "First, we must learn to look at history through an objective prism. No one knows how much Jewish blood runs in their arteries; after 1,000 years, there is a big intertwining. We, the Poles, also suffered a lot as a nation and society in World War II. Some six million Polish citizens were murdered in the war, including more than three million Jewish Poles. And yes, the other three million were not Jews. Non-Jewish Poles were also murdered by the Nazis. We fought for our independence. It is important to remember that anyone helping Jews in the occupied Polish territories was subject to a death sentence. A death sentence. This is a fact, and everyone who examines the relationship between Poles and Jews during that period must be aware of it. Many Poles and their families were killed by Germans because they had helped Jews. Those people are commemorated in various places in Poland. Everyone knows that in Yad Vashem the number of trees planted in memory of the Polish Righteous Among the Nations is the greatest. There is just no comparison between the Righteous Among the Nations from Western Europe to the Polish ones. Here, the punishment for helping Jews was not imprisonment but death. Like the Ulma family: a couple and their children, who were shot to death on the spot because they had helped Jews. They paid with their lives and their children's lives for helping their Jewish neighbors. Everyone was subject to murder: Jews and Poles alike. The situation was bad; inconceivable.

"I keep saying time and again: There were various types of people in Poland during the war, just like in every other society. There was the group of heroes who helped the Jews while putting their lives on the line, and many of them have yet to be recognized for their acts. Then there was the frightened majority who were scared for their lives and the lives of their loved ones and just wanted to survive. And there were also the wicked ones, who reported on Jews and handed them over to the Germans, as well as some who took part in the crimes. Just like in every society. But if you look at Polish society as a whole, there were not a lot of people in the latter group. We, of course, condemn them in the strongest terms. Today they would not have found a place in our society. By the way, many of them were executed by the Polish Underground during the war, like the police officer who reported on the Ulma family to the Germans. He was shot and killed by the Polish Underground State. This was the complicated history of the war. We must remember this complexity. No official Polish agency or institution collaborated with the Nazis. In fact, the opposite is true: The underground worked with the exiled government and created Żegota, a body whose purpose was to save Jews. That is why it hurts us to hear the accusations against the Polish people from irresponsible individuals in Israel and other places."

Q: Looking into the future, when will a new ambassador be appointed in Israel? 

 "Those in charge of the process are now at the phase of setting up the appointment of the relevant individual." 

Q: Now that Herzog is visiting, will you visit Israel? 

"We have been dealing with a war in our region; a war that Russia started in Ukraine. My main mission is to protect Poland's security. Every visit I make abroad focuses on security matters. If the political circumstances allow, there will be a presidential visit to Israel. Keep in mind that I have already held an official visit to Israel as president of Poland. 

Q: Israel will mark 75 years of independence next week. Do you have a message to convey to Israelis on this occasion? 

"I congratulate Israel and its citizens for this very important and significant day, especially considering the fact that over the past 75 years, Israel has endured many difficult moments but pulled through. Poland feels that it is a friend of Israel, also because many people of Polish descent took part in its founding. These were Polish Jews and we highly value their contribution to the development of Poland in various fields: the sciences, the military, and day-to-day life. I wish Israel and the Israelis peace and calm and that the tough experiences of the past 75 years won't repeat."

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The post Polish president tells Israel Hayom Warsaw Ghetto Uprising 'part of our shared history' appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.