If you follow this issue, this name will sound familiar. Around 200 leading industry figures have now signed a petition calling for his release from Israeli prison, with the hope that the Palestinian prisoner will become the leader of a future Palestinian state. Among the signatories to the petition you will find names that haven't escaped notice around the world, such as British actors Sir Ian McKellen and Benedict Cumberbatch, musician Sting, and also Jewish actresses Miriam Margolyes – known mainly from the Harry Potter film series – and Hannah Einbinder, joining actors who have already expressed their anti-Israel views over the years, Mark Ruffalo and Javier Bardem.

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In light of the clear support of Hollywood's stars for Barghouti, one can only wonder – who does Hollywood want to crown as "Palestinian Mandela" and the future leader of a Palestinian state?

15-year-old Fatah operative 

Born in a village near Ramallah in 1959, Marwan Barghouti joined the Fatah terrorist movement under the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) at the mere age of 15. Israeli authorities detained him for the first time at 19, and he served a two-year prison sentence for his involvement as an operative in a Fatah unit that executed a terrorist attack. During the first intifada of the late 1980s, Barghouti gained political prominence in the West Bank by directing Palestinian clashes with Israeli forces. He enrolled at BirZeit University to study History and Political Science, but his campus political work for Fatah, and his involvement in establishing Fatah's youth movement, triggered another imprisonment and subsequent deportation to Jordan.

Barghouti returned to Judea and Samaria in 1994, enabled by the terms of the Oslo Accords. He supported the Oslo Accords and even engaged in dialogue with Israeli political figures, an approach that significantly differed from his previous behaviour within Fatah. He began positioning himself against Yasser Arafat, then-leader of Fatah, particularly over disagreements with the Palestinian Authority. At the same time, he seized the opportunity to consolidate his power further within Fatah, whether through participation in mass demonstrations or by aiding and promoting terrorists from the Tanzim – Fatah's ground forces, who pioneered terrorist strikes against Israel during the Second Intifada, which he led in 2000.

When the second intifada erupted that September, he was directing marches toward Israeli checkpoints and provoking riots against Israeli soldiers. His compelling speeches aimed at urging Palestinians to use violence to drive Israel from the West Bank and Gaza Strip. During intensifying violence, Fatah spawned a new terrorist branch designated the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades, which conducted strikes against Israelis – including a March 2002 suicide bombing that claimed 30 lives.

Israeli authorities accused Barghouti – still commanding the Tanzim – of holding a prominent position in the Brigades, and Israeli forces arrested him in April 2002 by tracking his phone. Israel charged him with terrorist organization membership and dozens of murder counts for ordering deadly attacks, with courts convicting him of five charges in 2004 and imposing five life sentences plus 40 years.

The court found Barghouti accountable for a June 2001 attack in Ma'ale Adumim that resulted in the death of Greek monk Tsibouktsakis Germanus, a January 2002 kidnapping and murder of American citizen Yoela Hen, a March 2002 attack at Tel Aviv's Seafood Market restaurant that killed three individuals, Eli Dahan, Yosef Habi, and Salim Barakat, and a car bombing in Jerusalem.

The connection to Hamas 

Despite two decades of imprisonment, Barghouti has preserved much of his political power – including playing a key role in facilitating negotiations between Hamas and Fatah in February 2007 prior to Fatah's bloody ouster from the Gaza Strip, and securing election to Fatah's party leadership in absentia in 2009.

Throughout negotiations between Hamas and Israel since October 7, Hamas has repeatedly demanded Barghouti's release, despite his membership in the rival Fatah organization. Hamas' demand for his release connects to debates about Gaza's "day after" – Mahmoud Abbas' succession as the president of the Palestinian Authority and Hamas' future involvement in Palestinian political affairs. Since Abbas is unpopular among Palestinians, and Hamas is looking to extend its reach to the West Bank, Barghouti, who, according to polls, has garnered significant support from Palestinians, has become Abbas' natural successor.

Last March, Fadwa Barghouti began campaigning for her husband, hoping he might replace Abbas as president. Her campaign, which included meetings with high-ranking officials in the Arab world and the US, has also received support from pro-Palestinian Hollywood stars, as Barghouti is portrayed as a leader who will "unify" the Palestinian people in both Gaza and the West Bank.

Hamas previously attempted to secure Barghouti's release during negotiations for the return of kidnapped IDF soldier Gilad Shalit, who was kidnapped in 2006. Still, even then, Israel firmly refused, and the deal was carried out with the release of over 1,000 security prisoners in exchange for Shalit. To this day, this deal continues to stir controversy in Israeli society. Given the risks associated with freeing Barghouti, his release remained off the table during the Iron Swords negotiations as well.

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Abu Nasira served a lengthy prison term in the 1980s for terrorist operations. He fled from Nafha Prison and was recaptured after roughly a week and a half. After his release, he functioned as an official in the Palestinian Authority security apparatus following the Oslo Accords, ascending to a senior rank before retiring. Throughout the war, his son was reportedly killed, and Abu Nasira himself lately received threats from Hamas intelligence and internal security mechanisms.

In video footage distributed on social media, Abu Nasira spoke to a formation of approximately 20 armed combatants standing in line, stating, "Your dirtiest shoe is more honorable than the biggest fake in Hamas. I am Shawqi Abu Nasira, I don't want to talk about myself. Whoever catches a collaborator can kiss my ass. From the most senior in Hamas – Khalil al-Hayya – to the smallest operative."

Video: The anti-Hamas faction in the Gaza Strip / Credit: Social media

He then directed the combatants to shout aloud, "The dogs' barks don't frighten the lions. Death to Hamas! Death to Hamas!" Abu Nasira continued, "We left our families and homes to liberate the families and our people from Hamas, Persian Iran. Enemies of Islam and the Sunnis. Clear? You are not collaborators, you are the best of the people. Whoever told Hamas 'no' is a hero. It doesn't matter if it's me or someone else." In his words, "We, all the people, in Hamas' eyes are considered spies. Whoever says 'no' is a lion."

This constitutes another militia functioning in the Khan Younis region opposing Hamas. Additionally, the force of Husam al-Astal, a former Palestinian Authority intelligence official, functions there. Beyond this, at least three additional armed factions exist from northern Gaza to its south, the most prominent being Yasser Abu Shabab's Popular Forces in eastern Rafah.

Since the ceasefire in October, Hamas circles disseminated rumors asserting some militia members surrendered to them or were killed in firefights. Nevertheless, the rumors were refuted, including by Abu Shabab's faction.

In recent days, Yasser Abu Shabab's faction announced they are sustaining direct cooperation with the Peace Council as part of President Donald Trump's plan. Abu Shabab's deputy, Rasan al-Duhaini, proclaimed they would execute missions in Rafah against "illegal armed elements," apparently referring to Hamas, "in certain areas of Rafah."

Meanwhile, a Hamas source informed the Saudi channel Asharq on Sunday morning that a delegation from the terror organization is in Cairo to discuss arrangements for forming a management committee for the Gaza Strip. Per the source, discussions in Cairo are being conducted between senior Hamas officials and senior Egyptians, including other Palestinian organizations. Simultaneously, sources informed the Saudi channel Al-Hadath that a Hamas delegation reached Cairo to discuss details of the transition to the second phase of the ceasefire agreement.

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One central Hamas operative designated for release is Imad Qawasmeh (52), who has been serving 16 life sentences since 2004 for involvement in a suicide bombing that killed 16 Israelis. According to the Prisoners Organization Media Office, he is one of the "leaders" of the terrorists in prison.

The West Bank resident was involved in offenses including training terrorists, attempted murder, and conspiracy to cause death with intent. Qawasmeh is on the deportation list. During a 2004 operation, after the attack in which he was involved, he was captured by Israeli forces after his house was bombed and he escaped through a tunnel. He has a long history of attacks. He was first sentenced to five years in prison in 1994 when he assisted Hamas' "military wing" logistically. In 1999 he was released after completing his sentence, and eventually returned to terrorist activity in the Second Intifada.

Another Hamas operative designated for release is Qassem Aref Khalil al-Asafreh (36). In 2019 he was arrested after being involved in a stabbing attack in Gush Etzion, in which soldier Dvir Sorek was murdered.

Al-Asafreh was part of a terrorist cell with his cousin and another operative. The cell failed in two attempts before the attack. After the murder they planned another attack. Al-Asafreh is designated for deportation.

Muhammad Aref Samhan (55) is a terrorist who dispatched several suicide bombers, and is responsible for the attack on Bus Line 2, in which 23 people were murdered and 130 others were wounded. He is designated for deportation and belonged to the "Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades," from Fatah, during the Second Intifada.

Ibrahim Muhammad al-Raai (46) is a terrorist belonging to a Tanzim cell of Fatah. He is responsible for a bombing attack in the Casbah in Nablus, in which Osher Damari fell in 2006. Al-Raai was only arrested in 2022. He was recruited remotely by a terrorist from Gaza and worked to recruit additional terrorists. He was also involved in shooting attacks in the area of Joseph's Tomb. From the Shin Bet investigation it emerged that he participated in dozens of shooting attacks against Israeli forces and planting explosives.

One of those designated for release to the West Bank, who is not designated for deportation, is Rashid Mahmoud Omar (48). He was convicted of causing death with intent, membership in a Fatah terrorist cell, shooting at people, attempted murder, and involvement in hostile actions. He was arrested several months after the end of the Second Intifada (summer 2005) in the village of Faraoon in Samaria. He was convicted of the murder of a Palestinian whom he accused of "collaboration with Israel."

Another Fatah operative is Raad Abd al-Aziz (45), who was convicted of offenses including causing death with intent, possession of firearms, attempted murder, and conspiracy to cause death with intent. He is a resident of the Ramallah area who has been in prison for approximately 20 years for terrorist activity in the Second Intifada. Al-Aziz is designated for deportation abroad.

From PIJ, Omar Mahmoud Bassis (60) is designated for release. He is a terrorist convicted of planting explosives, membership in a terrorist organization, shooting at people, and attempted murder. He was also captured during the Second Intifada, in 2004. Also from PIJ, Arafat Hamid Zir (43) is expected to be released to the West Bank area. He was convicted of membership in a terrorist organization, aiding murder, and incitement to murder, and entered prison in 2003.

Faisal Mahmoud Abdullah Khalifa (43) is also set to be released to the Samaria area and not be deported. He is a Hamas operative who has been in security detention since December 2024. He is accused of offenses including membership in a terrorist organization, providing shelter to wanted persons, storing weapons, and conspiracy to cause death with intent.

On the deportation list is Firas Sadiq Muhammad Ghanem (51). He is a security detainee from Jerusalem, who was captured during the Second Intifada. He is accused of offenses including state security, causing death with intent, possession of firearms, attempted murder, conspiracy to cause death with intent, and more. According to the Prisoners Organization, he is accused of participating in attacks when he belonged to the "Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades," the Fatah branch in those years. It was also noted that these attacks led to nine murdered Israelis.

Another person designated for release in the deal is Ibrahim al-Hani (54), a Popular Front operative sentenced to multiple life sentences for involvement in attacks in the Second Intifada. He has been in prison since 2006 and survived an assassination attempt in the past.

Another Popular Front operative is Ibrahim al-Qam (53), who is supposed to be released. He is serving two life sentences for involvement in terrorist activity. He is one of those designated for deportation.

Another Fatah operative designated for deportation is Atiyah Abu Samhadana (56), from the Gaza Strip. He was captured in 1996 for offenses including murder and use of dangerous drugs. He is one of the veteran prisoners, a Rafah resident arrested for terrorist operations. He was sentenced to 30 years in prison, which is supposed to end this month.

From PIJ, Iyad Muhammad Abu al-Rub (51) is designated for release, a senior figure in the organization and "head of the military wing" in Jenin. He is responsible for planning a series of suicide bombings. He was involved in attacks at a club in Tel Aviv and a mall in Netanya. He is designated for deportation.

From Hamas, Alaa al-Din al-Karki (52) is designated for deportation. He is accused of causing death with intent, possession of weapons, throwing Molotov cocktails, attempted murder, and more. Al-Karki has been in prison since 1993.

Ghufran al-Zamel, fiancée of senior Hamas figure in prison Hassan Salameh, whom Israel refuses to release, appealed to Hamas leaders Khalil al-Hayya, Zaher Jabarin, Khaled Mashal, and Muhammad Darwish. "We, the families of veteran prisoners and those sentenced to life imprisonment, demand that you not give up on them. Abandoning them would be breaking a covenant that has lasted more than three decades. Do not abandon Sinwar's will and Muhammad Deif's commitment," she declared.

In the message she also mentioned the names of arch-terrorists Abdullah Barghouti, Ibrahim Hamed, and Abbas al-Sayed, whom she calls to release along with Salameh.

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Palestinian factions Hamas and Fatah signed a declaration in Beijing vowing to form a government together, the groups said Tuesday, in the latest attempt at resolving their long rivalry. The statement was signed by 14 Palestinian factions, including terrorist organizations such as the Palestinian Islamic Jihad and the Popular Front.

According to The Associated Press, both sides said the accord, which provided no guarantees or timeline, was only an initial step. Previous such declarations have failed, raising doubt over whether the China-sponsored negotiations might lead to a resolution between Hamas, which has ruled the Gaza Strip for the past 17 years, and Fatah, the main force in the US-backed Palestinian Authority that administers parts of the West Bank.

Israel swiftly denounced the agreement. Israel's foreign minister said no joint governance between Hamas and Fatah in Gaza would take place "because Hamas' rule will be crushed." The US and other Western countries have refused to accept any Palestinian government that includes Hamas unless it expressly recognizes Israel. This factor has wrecked past unity attempts, along with the factions' own competition for power.

The Palestinian factions Hamas and Fatah signed a declaration in Beijing on ending the schism and strengthening Palestinian unity, reports.
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi attended the signing ceremony. pic.twitter.com/J44Gm9TOLv

— S p r i n t e r (@SprinterFamily) July 23, 2024

The conference lasted two full days, and at its conclusion, a statement to the Arab media read: "The national factions agreed during their meeting in China to achieve comprehensive Palestinian national unity, which will include all Palestinian forces and factions, within the framework of the PLO; and commitment to establishing an independent Palestinian state with its capital in Jerusalem, in accordance with UN resolutions and ensuring the right of return under Resolution 194."

The declaration comes at a sensitive time, as the war in Gaza rages on into its 10th month and as Israel and Hamas are weighing an internationally backed ceasefire-hostage proposal that would wind down the war and free dozens of Israeli hostages held by Hamas.

There are two main possibilities for the significance of the declaration. The first is that this is once again merely a declarative agreement to please the Chinese hosts or the Palestinian public. The second is that the military pressure in the Gaza Strip, to the point of collapse of the organization's military wing, is bringing the Hamas leadership abroad to a more flexible position to make decisions as they see fit.

The agreement also underscored China's attempts to have a growing role in Middle East diplomacy after its success in mediating the restoration of relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran. "To be sure, China is still in the process of trying to earn credibility as a global mediator," said James Char, a research fellow at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore.

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Deep divisions will limit progress in reconciliation talks between the Hamas terror organization and Fatah, the  Palestinian political party that controls the Palestinian Authority, conversations with five sources in the groups indicate, but the meetings highlight that the terror group is likely to retain influence after the Gaza War.

Talks between Hamas and the Fatah party of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas will be held in China in mid-June, according to officials from both sides. They follow two recent rounds of reconciliation talks, one in China and one in Russia. China's Foreign Ministry declined to comment.

The next meeting will be held amid attempts by international mediators to reach a hostage-ceasefire deal for Gaza, with one of the key sticking points being the "day-after" plan – how the enclave will be governed.

A designated terror organization, Hamas was shunned long before its Oct. 7 attacks killed 1,200 people in Israel, with more than 250 hostages taken, triggering the war in Gaza.

But even as it is pummelled militarily, the meetings of Hamas politicians with officials from Fatah point to the group's aim of shaping the post-war order in the Palestinian territories, according to an unnamed source familiar with conversations within Hamas.

Hamas, which ruled Gaza before the war, recognizes it cannot be part of any internationally recognized new government of the Palestinian territories when fighting in the enclave eventually ends, said the source.

Nonetheless, it wants Fatah to agree to a new technocratic administration for the West Bank and Gaza as part of a wider political deal, the source and senior Hamas official Basim Naim said.

"We are speaking about political partnership and political unity to restructure the Palestinian entity," Naim, who attended the previous round of China talks, said in an interview.

"Whether Hamas is in the government or outside it, that is not a prime demand of the movement and it doesn't see it a condition for any reconciliation," he said. Naim, like much of Hamas' political leadership, operates in exile outside of Gaza.

The prospect of Hamas surviving as an influential political player is a thorny issue for Western states.

Despite Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's Gaza war goal of destroying the Iran-backed group, most observers agree Hamas will exist in some form after a ceasefire. An offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood, the movement has deep reach and ideological roots in Palestinian society.

The United States and EU oppose any role for Hamas in governing Gaza after the war. Still, some US officials have privately expressed doubt Israel will eradicate the group. A senior US official said on May 14 Washington thought it unlikely Israel could achieve "total victory."

Killing every member of Hamas was unrealistic and was not the goal of the Israeli army, but destroying Hamas as a governing authority was "an achievable and attainable military objective," said Peter Lerner, a spokesperson for the IDF.

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Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas's health has deteriorated to such an extent that he may no longer be able to carry out his duties, a report said on Saturday. Lebanese newspaper Al Akhbar reported that:  According to Fatah sources, due to Abbas's medical condition, doctors came to the presidential palace to perform examinations instead of at the hospital, after receiving Beijing's offer to arbitrate negotiations with Israel, the president of the Palestinian Authority planned to travel to China this week.

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Also a  senior Fatah official said that the Central Committee leaders began planning the succession of Mahmoud Abbas after checking the medical reports on the condition of the 88 years old Abbas, who is currently in his 19th year in office, in a term that was originally supposed to last only four years, Abbas has resisted holding elections and has not nominated a successor For almost two decades.

According to the report on Fatah, some West Bank officials are inclined to support Marwan Barghouti as Abbas' replacement. Barghouti is a longtime Fatah militant who was found guilty and imprisoned for murder by an Israeli court. The Central Committee's leadership, however, rejects this strategy. They believe Israel will not let Barghouti's release and that other candidates are better deserving of the position, Al Akhbar reported.

According to the sources, Majid Faraj, the chief of the Palestinian general intelligence service, is favored by Fatah to succeed Abbas. Faraj shares the same ideology as the current leadership, which unequivocally opposes violent resistance. In response, Israeli officials are worried about the possibility of the collapse of the Palestinian Authority in the event that Abbas passes away, which might cause turmoil in the West Bank and open the door for Hamas to seize power.

This article was first published by i24NEWS.

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Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas accused Israel on Friday of practicing "hideous policies of ethnic cleansing and organized terrorism" against Palestinians in his first public comments since meeting Tuesday with Defense Minister Benny Gantz.

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Abbas spoke on the 57th anniversary of the launch of the first attack on Israel by the ruling Fatah faction.

In his speech, the PA leader did not mention the meeting with Gantz, which was strongly condemned by several Palestinian factions and activists.

"The anniversary of the launch of our revolution comes under extremely critical and difficult circumstances due to the continuation of the heinous Israeli occupation, the escalation of its repressive practices and persecution of our people, the theft of our land and natural resources, the stifling of our economy, the withholding of our tax funds, and racial discrimination," said Mahmoud Abbas, according to The Jerusalem Post.

He praised the Palestinian security prisoners held in Israeli jails for their "sacrifices and patience," stressing that the Palestinian government will not "abandon them or their families."

He also praised the "heroes of the popular resistance."

i24NEWS contributed to this report

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Senior Hamas officials accused the Palestinian Authority on Wednesday of campaigning against it in Judea and Samaria. The terrorist group, which wrestled control of the Gaza Strip from PA President Mahmoud Abbas' Fatah party in a military coup in 2007, said PA security forces targeted Hamas supporters during released prisoners' celebrations and banned the waving of Hamas flags.

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Deputy Hamas leader Zahar Jabarin accused the PA of curtailing the group's activities in Judea and Samaria and Hamas official Mahmoud Mardawi said Fatah acted under pressure from "forces hostile to the Palestinian people" that dictated its actions.

Criticism against the PA came after several clashes between Hamas members and PA security forces. According to reports, forces targeted members who waved Hamas flags during the reception of released prisoners. The members, in turn, threw stones and Molotov cocktails at the forces. One man was reportedly injured in the clashes.

Following the clashes, Ismail Haniyeh, chief of Hamas' political bureau, called on the PA on Wednesday to stop harming Palestinians in Judea and Samaria and seize political arrests and its security cooperation with Israel.

Haniyeh also criticized the PA for what he defined as "sanctions on the Gaza Strip."

"I call on the Palestinian Authority, especially in the West Bank, to stop its policy of aggression and attacks on our people … Unfortunately, we have recently witnessed impertinence by some among the security forces toward our people, even during prisoner release celebrations."

The PA rejected the accusations and claimed the escalation was set up by Hamas with the goal of undermining stability in the area. Security services spokesperson Talal Dweikat hinted that Hamas was the one acting in Israel's interest, saying that what happened in the territories "came as part of shifting from its natural course to serve the occupation intentionally or unintentionally."

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Hundreds of Palestinians gathered in Ramallah on Saturday to demonstrate against Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, hoping to inject new momentum into a protest movement sparked by the death of an outspoken critic in the custody of security forces.

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Palestinian security forces and groups of men in plainclothes violently dispersed a similar protest a week ago, drawing expressions of concern from the United States and UN human rights chief. There were no immediate reports of violence on Saturday.

The PA, which governs parts of the West Bank, has grown increasingly autocratic and unpopular in recent years. Abbas canceled the first elections in 15 years in April when it looked like his fractured Fatah party would lose badly. He was largely sidelined during the Gaza Strip war in May amid an outpouring of support for his rivals, the territory's terrorist Hamas rulers.

Saturday's demonstration began with a few hundred protesters gathering in al-Manara Square in central Ramallah, where the PA is headquartered. The mother and other relatives of Nizar Banat, the activist whose death last month sparked the protests, were welcomed with applause and gave brief speeches.

The crowd then made a loop through downtown, gathering force as it marched until thousands could be heard chanting: "The people want the fall of the regime," and "Abbas, leave," slogans used during the so-called Arab Spring protests that swept the Middle East in 2011.

There was initially no visible security presence, but when the protesters marched down a main street leading to the headquarters of the PA they approached a line of riot police manning barricades. The protesters halted and sat in the street several yards away.

Fatah meanwhile held a rally in the southern West Bank city of Hebron in which supporters waved the party's trademark yellow flags. The PA's official Palestine TV covered the Hebron rally and ignored the demonstration in Ramallah.

State Department spokesman Ned Price said this week that the US was "deeply disturbed by reports that non-uniformed members of the Palestinian Authority security forces harassed and used force against protesters and journalists" during last weekend's demonstrations.

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet said Thursday that Palestinian security forces had beaten protesters with batons and attacked them with tear gas and stun grenades. She said they appeared to have singled out female demonstrators, reporters, and bystanders, many of whom said they were sexually harassed.

She called on the PA "to ensure freedom of opinion, expression, and peaceful assembly.

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Four days after Palestinian factions arrived in Cairo for conciliation talks, the internal dialogue on Saturday reached an impasse as Hamas presented the Fatah movement with impossible demands perceived by Ramallah as a clear existential threat. Meanwhile, the Fatah delegation, more than a good-faith participant in the talks, has sought a foothold in the process of Gaza's rehabilitation by seeking control of the money-transfer mechanism to the Hamas-controlled coastal enclave.

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According to a document published by UK-based news site Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, Hamas envisions the inclusion of itself, Islamic Jihad and other terrorist groups in the PLO and the establishment of a temporary two-year council that will eventually become the new Palestinian leadership – a type of "supreme" governing body whose purpose is to "lead the struggle" against Israel in all sectors. The document also calls for a popular armed uprising, particularly within the Green Line, or Israel proper. Essentially, it is a demand by Hamas to seize control of the PLO and for the Palestinian Authority's willful surrender.

Not surprisingly, the PA's representatives rejected Hamas' demands outright and insisted that the starting point for the talks be the establishment of a "national recovery government" or a government in which Hamas will agree to the PLO's plans and international resolutions.

According to Arab news outlets, Egyptian mediators have come to understand from Fatah's representatives that incorporating the terrorist groups in the PLO would be a particularly problematic venture, as Hamas and its allies will seek to force the "principle of armed resistance" as a permanent option, in contravention of the Oslo Accords and other agreements with Israel. The move, consequently, would force the PA to face international isolation. The PA delegation even warned the Egyptian hosts of the ramifications of a resounding Hamas victory in any election.

More than anything, it appears the PA is afraid of losing its international standing and first wants to secure benefits from the Democratic administration in the United States, including the opening of a US consulate in east Jerusalem, the PLO mission in Washington, and the renewal of financial aid to the UN body in charge of the Palestinian refugee issue, UNRWA. In other words, its meddling in Gaza is meant to present it as a force for moderation that can be worked with and therefore must be strengthened as much as possible.

Hence the PA's demand to control all the funds earmarked for rebuilding Gaza, contrary to Hamas' proposal of forming a rehabilitation committee representative of "all the factions."

Despite the deep schisms and sour atmosphere in the Egyptian capital, the Palestinian factions could extend their stay in an effort to reach an agreement, as the international community, including Arab states, wants to use Gaza's rehabilitation as a stepping stone for a long-term ceasefire between Hamas and Israel. The vision is a massive, 10-year rehabilitation initiative under international supervision, on the condition that a ceasefire with Israel is upheld.

It appears, therefore, that Hamas intends to torpedo the temporary Egyptian-mediated ceasefire with Israel in favor of a more agreeable intermediary, such as Qatar. Senior Hamas officials made it clear last week that they refuse to link a prisoner exchange with Israel to Gaza's reconstruction. Lebanese newspaper Al-Akhbar, which is affiliated with Hezbollah, reported that Hamas has informed the Egyptians that it will not allow economic and humanitarian pressure against Gaza and for the rehabilitation process to be delayed.

Amid the backdrop, the terrorist group stressed to the Egyptians that it was willing to reignite hostilities with Israel. Hamas also delivered a message to the Egyptians that any intervention by the PA in Gaza's rehabilitation or attempt to control aid money will push the terrorist group to violate the ceasefire with Israel.

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