The kashrut and conversion reforms spearheaded by Religious Services Minister Matan Kahana might be the first step in a long journey to rescuing the important systems of the Jewish people from destruction and distortion. And it is not about rescuing them from the abusive monopoly of the Chief Rabbinate, but about restoring the appropriate national significance to Israel's Jewish character.
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The essence of Zionism that rebelled against the rabbinical leadership was to reinstate the Jewish people as a nation that functions independently and is in charge of its own destiny in its historic homeland.
The Zionist enterprise was based on Jewish heritage, but was fundamentally secular, both in terms of its methods and its pioneers and leaders. They understood that Jewish heritage has been preserved throughout the generations mainly through religion, but remembered that the Jews were a people before the revelation at Mount Sinai too; Contrary to Orthodoxy, they took immediate action upon their return to the land of Israel without waiting for the coming of the Messiah and resurrected the Jewish people in their historical homeland according to national patters they knew in the 19th century.
The vast majority of Zionist leaders, builders, and defenders established the "Jewish state" in the national sense – an expression of the Jewish people's right to self-determination – as opposed to a religious entity.
The relationship between the national enterprise and the religious lifestyle has been complex ever since, due to the symbiotic relationship between them in ancient times and in exile.
The complexity increased with the dramatic increase of the ultra-Orthodox and observant population with the aliyah of Mizrachi Jews and rapid demographic growth of the Haredi population.
Due to their political stance in most governments, the ultra-Orthodox have managed to force the non-Haredi majority to suffer from their extremist views and to receive funding for their activities.
Such distortion was enabled by the Zionist enterprise's granting of monopoly to the religious establishment in three areas that also concern the secular and traditional public: conversion, kashrut, and marriage.
The monopoly riled many due to it being mobilized for a purist, aggressive, sectoral, and sometimes, unfortunately, even corrupt outlook.
The conversion reform is required for state reasons, both because it grants one the right to receive Israeli citizenship and allows those sincerely wishing to join the Jewish people, to do so.
In my opinion, requiring a convert to keep the 613 commandments is problematic. It is bold to turn away those who want to join the Jewish people and lead the kind of way of life most of those who built the state and protect it do.
The audacity increases when the disqualifiers represent a sector that works much less and participates less in the security burden. Such a policy deters the conversion of those who have already demonstrated the depth of their commitment to the Jewish people in their willingness to protect it physically.
It forces individuals to begin their journey to join the Jewish people by deception. Whereas, a careful and proper conversion reform will get the conversion out of the hands of zealots without entrusting it to the charlatans.
The kashrut reform would take away the monopoly from the Chief Rabbinate and would separate the needs of the majority from the needs of those who follow strict kashrut standards, which could significantly reduce food prices.
The ultra-Orthodox have the right to lead a religious way of life. But the minority has no right to shape the Jewish character of the state, with many among them failing to do their share in its building and defense.
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