Nadav Haetzni

Nadav Haetzni is an Israeli attorney and journalist

What the Bennett experiment revealed about left and right

It deflated the artificial dispute that has divided us into imaginary camps for generations.

 

Last Saturday, I met with a group of friends who served with me in the army as officers, eons ago. What can I say? The State of Israel and the Jewish people have no finer people than these – all patriots, talented, and decent individuals. The overwhelming majority of them have historically voted center-left, and all had praise for now-former prime minister, Naftali Bennett. They said they never imagined ever being satisfied with a religious prime minister, a former Yesha Council head, who even stuck to his values while in office. Another former comrade noted how the old political debate between the blocs was dead, along with the idea of establishing a Palestinian state. Hence a total consensus was achieved: What we need most is leadership that will lead patriotically, empathetically, and adeptly – characteristics they found in abundance during Bennett's one-year tenure.

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Many people from all walks of life have shared the same impression of Bennett with me. These are mainly people who never voted for Yamina and aren't particular fans of Benjamin Netanyahu. The compliments pile up, despite everyone knowing that Bennett refused to negotiate with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, built just as many homes in Judea and Samaria as any Netanyahu government, prevented the establishment of a US consulate for the Palestinians in Jerusalem, was particularly assertive against Iran and Hamas, and didn't follow the traditional center-left handbook.

Here we can see that the honest experiment conducted over the past year resulted in surprising, unusual success. The premier, justice minister, interior minister, housing and construction minister, and others, spearheaded policies that correspond with the right-wing worldview while receiving support from voters on the other side of the aisle. This experiment was proof that from the perspective of many voters, there is no other side. It's enough to have a leadership that works on behalf of the entire public in a professional and fair manner, whose elected officials "came to work" rather than sling mud and obfuscate. It was proven that many center-left voters can, under the right circumstances, also live in peace with leaders from the Yamina and New Hope parties, if they trust their leaders.

This experiment is especially revealing because it deflates the artificial dispute that has divided us into imaginary camps for generations. Virtually since the Six-Day War, the line between "left" and "right" has been viewed within the prism of the fate of Judea and Samaria: Whether to give the territory back or not; whether we have a peace partner or not. Each political camp was willing to pay any price to the Haredi parties, while Labor even flirted with the Arab parties, to allow them to tip the scales.

Now, however, we've seen the evidence that the Israeli public itself is far removed from this division and dispute. The bloody enterprises of Oslo and the Gaza disengagement shattered the left's theories about peace, and regardless, the classic set of values pertaining to left and right has become passé.  This was especially apparent during the Netanyahu era, throughout which new right-wing principles were tailored to fit the leader's interests. Thus a new ideological line in the sand was created – between those who love Netanyahu and those who hate him.

The outgoing coalition was the result of a political accident, due to the rotten reputation Netanyahu had built for himself in the eyes of his potential partners. By chance, we were able to discover what otherwise would have been impossible under normal circumstances: That old frames of thought are irrelevant. The historical argument between left and right over the fate of Jerusalem and Judea and Samaria no longer exists; it was decided on the ground, aided by the failures of Oslo and the disengagement. Meanwhile, now that our possession of Judea and Samaria is axiomatic and no longer at the core of our divisions, we can also redesign the political map and concentrate all the good actors together.

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