In Israel's charged political landscape, a new target has emerged: the ultra-Orthodox community. As public anger over military draft exemptions intensifies, we must question whether this approach is truly advancing national unity or merely deepening societal divides.
If you step outside in Israel, you'll discover that on any given day, the animosity towards the ultra-Orthodox community rivals, if not surpasses, the long-standing antipathy towards Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The media is also pulling the Religious Zionist movement into this trend. In their deep mourning, moral integrity, and religious righteousness, they're willing to speak into microphones denouncing the ultra-Orthodox dodging the military draft, even before protesting Netanyahu's political evasion. It's an opportunity to swim with the current and gain some recognition.
In this cold era of pragmatic Israeliness, gaining legitimacy requires more than just sacrifice; it demands a politically palatable narrative in the form of "broad consensus" among the "accepted ones," who sit behind the driver giving directions. Currently, the Religious Zionist movement still doesn't grasp this and they are being interviewed more frequently because it's fun to watch a bloody catfight, a derby of suffering religious Jews. They're interviewed because they're saying what the trendsetters want to hear, not because they're truly important or because their sacrifice is valued.
Some processes occur naturally and coercion – especially when accompanied by aggressive pseudo-fashionable campaigns – only harms them. Take the Chametz Law as an example. How many secular Jews got excited about throwing bread out of the house on Passover because of this law? Zero. How many secular Jews who respected and liked the tradition of matzah on Passover developed antibodies towards it since the issue became political and coercive? Many. By what percentage have public displays of chametz decreased thanks to the law? None.
Ironically, this push against ultra-Orthodox conscription comes at a time when Israeli society is experiencing a resurgence of traditional values. We're witnessing a broadening spectrum of religious observance, from Ashkenazi traditionalism to Sephardic customs, proving there's more than one way to make Kiddush. The spectrum has widened – boys wearing tzitzit without a kippah, and women donning head coverings with pants. Even in secular kindergartens in Tel Aviv, they had great Kabbalat Shabbat ceremonies before religious groups decided they could improve it.
In recent years, more ultra-Orthodox are enlisting, believing more in the state, and participating more in social processes and the job market. The ultra-Orthodox society went above and beyond since October 7. It takes a rare combination of stupidity and malice to turn good intentions into a civil war.
Army and state leaders know that political reasons and sectoral activism prevent many from enlisting. Now, public protest against the ultra-Orthodox sector is becoming a major deterrent. The ultra-Orthodox have respect for where they came from and what they represent. Linking military service with disrespect for the study hall they come from turns the issue into a battle between sectors, and strengthens their sense of belonging to a sector they don't necessarily have to belong to. The campaign against the ultra-Orthodox is a boomerang that sets us back years.
The IDF needs a strategy before it needs the ultra-Orthodox to enlist, but that's too complex a message for newspapers, and we're in an era of catchy messages. It's easier to rail against draft dodgers and write about the government refusing a deal than to address complex geopolitical challenges or question our national priorities. Which activist is willing to get dozens of former generals to sign a petition saying, "We won in the Six-Day War without losing a year of studies and destroying the home front because we had purpose and courage, not because of the infinite quota of ultra-Orthodox who decided to fall on their sword"?
The ultra-Orthodox need to enlist and Netanyahu has failed, but it's not "just not ultra-Orthodox" and "just not Bibi." The fact that in no protest is Israeli anger directed at the real enemies, or that no one calls for punishing the terrorists unless it is used as a bargaining chip for the hostages to be returned, or that no one calls for annexing a security strip in Lebanon and Kiryat Shmona until we ensure our safety – says it all.
The orchestrated campaign against the ultra-Orthodox, like against Netanyahu, pushes away the day when change will mature. The dominant style of protest is violent and negates the possibility of thinking freely and engaging in genuine dialogue. You don't solve anything with violence.
The Kaplan protest is so hateful that it's unable to understand why it consistently strengthens the other side. It pushes the Bibists into the arms of the object of their admiration, just as the anti-ultra-Orthodox campaign will shove the ultra-Orthodox into their corner, just as religious coercion fortifies secularism. Religious indoctrination campaigns don't work from any side, not religious or secular zealotry and not right or left-wing; they only serve to deepen our divides. It's time we step back, reassess our approach, and find a path forward that unites rather than divides our nation.
