Dror Eydar

Dror Eydar is the former Israeli ambassador to Italy.

Shin Bet head tried to cross the Rubicon

The head of the secret police crossed the Israeli Rubicon, challenging the authority of the sovereign and flaunting the considerable power of the organization he heads.

 

  1. A Fundamental Gap That Must Be Preserved

It was cold in the province of Cisalpine Gaul on January 10, 49 BCE, as Julius Caesar's soldiers marched southward toward Rome. Caesar had received orders from the Senate to end his role as governor of several provinces, but refused to accept this. On their way, his legions stood before the Rubicon, a small river in northern Italy flowing from the Apennine Mountains to the Adriatic Sea, marking the boundary between the provinces and the Republic.

Roman law was clear: a governor was forbidden from entering the territory of the Republic south of the Rubicon with his armies, since there his authority expired and he reverted to being a citizen subject to the Roman Senate. Crossing the Rubicon with military force was therefore open rebellion, using military power against the decision of the Senate representing the people. Thus began a civil war that led to the assassination of Julius Caesar on March 15, 44 BCE (or as my little daughter, Daria said: "This week 2,069 years and a few days ago").

Historical analogies are complex due to different details and times. The crossing of the Rubicon can serve only as background and metaphor for the attempt by Shin Bet head Ronen Bar to undermine the government's authority to terminate his position and appoint another in his place. From his initial response (before the clarification he published following the scandal that erupted) to the prime minister's announcement, it was implied that he did not intend to accept his dismissal but to continue in his role until he completed his missions. In this, the head of the secret police crossed the Israeli Rubicon, challenging the authority of the sovereign and flaunting the considerable power of the organization he heads.

Even before this, former Shin Bet head Nadav Argaman threatened to use private information about the prime minister that he obtained in his official capacity. There is among us a reckless group interested in bringing about chaos and civil war; Ronen Bar played into their hands. Now his dismissal has become a matter of principle at the heart of the democratic regime: the fundamental gap that must be preserved between the elected level (the government) and the appointed level (officials), especially the security level that holds considerable power. The government must not retreat.

  1. The Oligarchy Lurking Behind

Time of war. While the nation faces an existential challenge, an important part of our elite works to undermine society's cohesion. One can be appalled hearing the reckless statements from those who until recently led the state and its institutions. Their basic assumption is that at this historic moment, the real enemy is not lurking at the borders but is among us. According to them, Hamas or Iran are not the primary enemy, but rather Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. This is not a conclusion from their words, but an explicit statement, to our shame. Our enemies quote them with great pleasure and are confident that Israeli society is falling apart.

When examining the social structure of the group, we find a known common denominator. An aging elite that once led the country and now has chosen what I termed more than a decade ago the "Samson Option": if we are no longer leading the country as before, and if it does not obey the imaginary set of values we designated for it, then let me die with the Philistine(ian)s, or in common language, "let the country burn."

This is an oligarchy that still controls power centers that do not hold democratic elections: academia, media, military, security services, the prosecution and the court, and more. In these institutions, the oligarchy ensures to mainly include those who are similar to it and connected to it, whether through family ties, social or ideological connections. Of course there are exceptions, but they actually prove the rule.

This week I thought about the British historian Ronald Syme who wrote in his book on the Roman Revolution: "In all ages, whatever the form and name of government, be it monarchy, republic, or democracy, an oligarchy lurks behind the façade; and Roman history, Republican or Imperial, is the history of the governing class." Before our eyes unfold the birth pangs of the changing of the guard in Israeli society. The old establishment clings to the horns of the altar and seeks to convince us that without it we will not succeed. For this purpose, it is willing to destroy what it built, in terms of "Neither I nor you shall have him – cut him in two!" Israel is not forsaken. Even Moses had a replacement.

  1. Totalitarian Idolatry

Again this week we heard about the "end of democracy," for the seventeen thousand four hundred and sixty-ninth time. Words are supposed to represent reality; the Swiss linguist, Ferdinand de Saussure, defined this as signifiers that have signifieds behind them. What remains of the word democracy among the community of complainers who repeatedly herald its end? An empty front, cardboard scenery with nothing behind it.

The constant repetition threatens to replace the meaning of words, like a persistent lie that becomes embedded in consciousness. In the 12th century, Maimonides explained in his great work "The Strong Hand" how humanity descended into idolatry. Initially, people worshipped God. It is difficult to worship something invisible; so they added celestial bodies – the sun, moon and stars – which should be honored as servants of God (signifying the supreme signified).

Over time, the reason for honoring God's representatives was forgotten, and the religious worship of the mediators remained. Humanity lost its direct connection with God and was left with false substitutes. The cord connecting words to things was severed, and thus we received idolatry mistakenly called "democracy," while in practice it echoes a totalitarian concept of an oligarchy refusing to accept the decision of the people who once chose it, and today choose differently.

  1. Thanks to Righteous Women

This week again I traveled to the Tel Aviv District Court for Prime Minister Netanyahu's trial. From conversations with friends and readers, I discovered that many are not aware of the tremendous drama unfolding in the small hall. The prosecution's claims are systematically dismantled by the defense, section after section, exposing the nakedness of the prosecution, which was not meticulous and did not sit "seven clean days" before deciding to file a dubious indictment against a prime minister in Israel. This trial – especially during wartime – is a living example of Ronald Syme's profound statement above, regarding the oligarchy lurking for those who challenge its control.

On the way to trial, I could get updated with direct reporting from the courtroom through the open studio established by attorney Kinneret Barashi. That day, Adi Sabo was broadcasting in the studio and was joined by Moshik Kovarski who knowledgeably explained the background to the terms being heard. It is worthwhile to follow the full coverage of the trial at the open studio, and not settle for tendentious summaries.

When I entered the hall, Kinneret Barashi was sitting there typing the course of the investigation for the broadcasters at the open studio. One day this brave woman will receive the Israel Prize for historic service for justice. It is important to go there to tell the prime minister that he is not alone.

  1. Cato the Elder and Gaza

The return to fighting in the Gaza Strip is inevitable. After what Hamas murderers did to us, there is a clear barrier between human civilization and the barbarians there. There is no forgiveness for murderers nor for the society that supports them. We cannot live alongside them and risk our future. Therefore, to paraphrase Cato the Elder: "Besides everything said so far, I believe Hamas must be destroyed." Forward to victory.

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