On Thursday, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu became the third leader to bring Israel a peace agreement with an Arab state. This is a tremendous achievement, but there were those who nonetheless tried to dwarf it and rain on this parade.
They did so first, because Israel has, for at least the past two decades, maintained behind-the-scenes relations with the United Arab Emirates; and second, because the UAE has never posed a threat to Israel. Add to that the fact that the big announcement everyone was waiting for was about extending Israeli sovereignty to the Jordan Valley and 30% of Judea and Samaria and the fact that our great friend, US President Donald Trump is putting a moratorium on that – and you have more than enough reasons to spoil the national celebration.
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Alongside those who sought to "keep the event in proportion," there were also those who wanted to credit the media for it. But it should be stressed that according to a White House official, no nongovernmental entity was involved in forging the peace agreement.
The credit goes solely to the statesmen: US President Trump, Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The credit also goes to those usually uncredited for such feats, in this case, Mossad officials, led by intelligent agency Director Yossi Cohen, who have managed to upgrade relations with the Emirates to their current level. Sometimes parallel diplomacy has its own rewards.
Those claiming this is merely the "normalization" of ties Israel already maintains in the Persian Gulf would be we wise to remember this is not the case.
This is not the story of behind-the-scenes diplomatic ties taking center stage, but of forging diplomatic relations that are devoid of any feelings of inferiority – peace from a position of power; peace in exchange for peace; and peace in which both countries' peoples can be proud and from which they can benefit.
I was an ambassador in an Arab country – Mauritania – and I remember well what it was like to work in secret. We were an embassy like any other, with a flag but with no peace accord. At the time, our embassy dispatched two delegates to the UAE in secret. No one understands the magnitude of this achievement better than me.
Those who argue that the Emirates do not pose a threat to Israel would be wise to remember that Iran – a Persian Gulf power – does. And that is the actual story: The agreement between Israel and the UAE is a regional game-changer.
Think about having a frontline base of operations in the Persian Gulf to counter Iran. Think about the message this deal sends Israel's adversities in the Middle East – Iran, Qatar, Syria, Hezbollah, and even Turkey, which backs the Muslim Brotherhood. Think for a moment about the impact this agreement has on regional geopolitics.
Then think about the financial aspects of having robust trade ties with the country with the seventh-largest oil reserve in the world, and the gas pipeline that could potentially stretch from Israel to the Gulf and onto various destinations in Europe.
Of course, there is also a symbolic aspect to this deal: it breaks the ice with Bahrain, Oman, and "many other countries," as President Trump's Middle East envoy Avi Berkowitz admitted to me.
Of course, even if no official wants to admit it outright, it is clear that peace with Saudi Arabia is also being discussed as a realistic option. Should that materialize, we would witness the rise of a new Middle East. Moreover, with Egypt, Jordan, the UAE and other Gulf states on board it might behoove the Palestinians to shelve their rejectionist approach and jump on the peace process train.
As for those on the Left and Right who opposed the extended sovereignty bid included in the "deal of the century" and now castigate the Israeli government for ostensibly going back on its word – they would be wise to remember that Israel is playing a long game. The sovereignty bid has been postponed, not abandoned.
Those concerned about the two-state solution would also be wise to remember that Trump's Middle East peace plan gives the Palestinians four years to meet a series of conditions. The ball in their court as much as it is in ours. In the meantime, Israel, together with new-old partners, is approaching the vision of a new Middle East.
And on a personal note: after visiting the Emirates many times with a foreign passport, I am excited about the next visit, this time with my Israeli passport in hand.
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