A public debate for "the sake of heaven" is a positive thing, especially when both sides of the debate have similar concerns but are divided over the severity of the problem and the intensity of the constraints that stand in the way of a solution. Much has been said about the pitiful state of the Israeli political system; the brutal domineering of the justice system, which constitutes one of the most significant obstacles to the improvement of the system; and of the unique threats, both domestic and foreign, in lieu of which Israel cannot accept a fundamentally flawed national decision-making system. Out of all the diverse areas of dispute, two are worth delving deeper into.
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I do not believe, as has been claimed, that "officers with limited perception - who have been entrusted almost exclusively with security policy - are a danger to national security." Israel has been blessed with generals who are professional, dedicated and honest, and with a chief of staff who is wise, experienced, has a broad perspective, is open to strategic criticism at a scope and depth that is unique - and that is something I can attest to personally. They yearn for the guidance of the political echelon and are committed to the elected leadership. One can dispute their professional advice, and among them, there are those who have greater capabilities than others, but that is the case among any group of successful people, and by any reasonable measure, there is no cause to describe them as having 'limited perception' and certainly not to claim that they are 'a danger to national security.'
When it comes to security, one cannot accuse the elected leadership of dysfunctionality. During the Netanyahu years, and judging from the short experience of the present government, the assessment of the severity of the Iranian threat is correct, and a continuous and complex campaign against is ongoing and employs an impressive combination of strategic daring and strict refrain from adventurism. The policy combines operative leadership by responsible officers who are attentive to the constraints of the strategic environment, together with elected leadership that conducts itself responsibly for the most part.
On the Palestinian issue, where I differ with some of the approaches and priorities of the political and military leadership, we are not talking about irresponsible conduct or an attempt to avoid dealing with the complexities or internal, regional and international constraints that exist. Rather, we are talking about a legitimate approach that in my opinion gives greater weight to one kind of consideration and less weight than it should to others. Similar errors and worse have sometimes characterized the policies of charismatic leaders and stable governments in previous generations.
Neither do I agree that Israel's situation is worse than that of other Western democracies. It is true that "in the United States there is nothing similar to the voter fraud of Yamina," but that is not a suitable measure for the severity of distortion, as the U.S. system of governance would not allow a similar parliamentary trick; the distortions in the U.S. at the micro-level are different but no less outrageous. And all of this is negligible when compared to the socio-economic catastrophe that has been dividing the American people for over a decade between Democrats and Republicans, into two camps that are playing a "zero-sum game" at the expense of the U.S. national interest. This split is ripping American society apart and weakening its ability to take care of the vital needs of the free world in the face of the Chinese challenge and other threats, as it has denied the national leadership the critical infrastructures required to face decisive external battles - national resilience based on a broad domestic consensus.
Israel paid an intolerable price in the period between the First Lebanon War and the Second Intifada for a rift far less grave than that currently dividing our ally on the other side of the ocean when the Right and the Left played a zero-sum game to create facts on the ground in Judea and Samaria: Settlement in the heart of the populated areas on the one hand, and the peace illusion of Oslo on the other. The situation in Israeli society today is far less grave.
The troubles of many are no more than the consolation of fools. These troubles point to deep structural issues that require the democracies to adopt evolutionarily reforms that will not throw out the baby with the bathwater. The familiar proposals for instant and dramatic change are neither persuasive nor practical.
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