Every year, on Memorial Day for the Fallen Soldiers of Israel and Victims of Terrorism, I visit the graves of Meir Stein, who was killed in my tank in the Yom Kippur War, Yisrael Igleberg, who was in my tank crew in officer's training, and Paratrooper Yeshayahu Fruchtman, who was killed in the reprisal operation in the Arab village of Husan in 1956.
At the home of Yeshayahu, the brother of my good friend, I first encountered bereavement and sorrow. This year, during these trying times, I won't visit the military plot in Kiryat Shaul. Meeting with the bereaved families every year would always reinvigorate my spiritual strength, courage and belief in the Return to Zion, the Salvation of Israel and restoration of the Promised Land.
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These days, Israelis are mired in a mysterious fata morgana. An invisible virus is disrupting our lives and challenging humanity in terms of health, economy, isolation and restrictions on personal liberties. Experts humbly admit they don't fully understand the virus and hope a vaccine will soon be developed to allow a return to normal.
In recent weeks I rediscovered Israeli society's fortitude, wisdom and uncompromising preference for life. No virus is a match for its vitality or sense of mutual guarantee. This isn't the first time Israelis have coped with difficult and complex challenges – and persevered. Through the wars, terrorist attacks and economic hardships, we have emerged stronger, as will be the case with the coronavirus. Anyone with sense understands the complexities of making existential decisions in a climate of ongoing uncertainty.
The Health Ministry's director-general's briefings are impressively rational, and the Finance Ministry's director-general is convincing in his care for the economy. Above all else are Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the government, who need to decide responsibly between often contrasting recommendations. Every decision the government makes is immediately scrutinized by the media, which can't seem to recuperate from its defeats in the past three elections. From its perspective, the unity government headed by Netanyahu and then Benny Gantz is a nightmare. Its vast investment in replacing the government outright was washed down the drain.
The renowned German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer wrote there's no greater vengeance than that of a reporter who was proven wrong. He was right. In days such as these, we should be able to expect the media to also contribute to the national effort. To boost the morale of the people, to stand behind the government's decisions, and even if there is criticism – not to make it the main headline. The press in Great Britain hailed Captain Tom Moore, 99, who walked 100 lengths of his garden to raise 20 million pounds in donations from the public in the fight against the coronavirus, making him a national hero.
The Israeli press, on the other hand, would rather summon self-proclaimed experts to claim they'd be surprised if the number of coronavirus deaths surpasses 10, or to tell us the virus is less dangerous than the flu and that all the precaution is overblown and unnecessary. The depression-inducing channels are working around the clock, including those that claimed the coronavirus was a political invention to help Netanyahu. Luckily for Israelis, they prove time and again that these television stations don't affect most people.
Now, as a last resort, the media and old-guard elites are enlisting the judiciary to torpedo the unity government. My hope is that the Supreme Court avoids falling into the trap. The High Court of Justice must not be allowed to intervene sans a black flag, flying high and clear as day, about the unity deal and subsequent legislation. It's safe to assume that attorney Avi Licht, a former deputy attorney general, who helped draft the deal, wouldn't lend a hand to any illegalities. Unnecessary intervention by the High Court will assuredly lead to a fourth election, at a time when all the country's resources need to be focused on defeating the coronavirus.
