Israel's current measures and the responses of all previous governments to the seasonal eruptions of murderous Palestinian violence point to the recognition of the necessity for security forces to act to thwart terrorism in the heart of the population centers of a society that has become addicted to such violence.
Follow Israel Hayom on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram
It transpires that even if their leaders and most of the Palestinian public are not interested in outbursts of terrorism, and are conscious of the resulting damage at both a personal and national level, the violent dynamics emanating from a radical core lead to uncontrollable turbulence.
Even though Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas may be opposed to it and sometimes issues specific condemnations while his forces act in coordination with the IDF, he cannot disengage from the culture of violence and incitement that is deeply rooted in his society. Even when Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad threaten his regime, he does not dare act against their strongholds in Jenin because they have legitimization in Palestinian society as murderers of Jews. Even when he loses millions of dollars from Europe because of payments to terrorists and antisemitic school textbooks, he sanctifies the place of this barbaric tradition at the head of Palestinian national priorities. He believes, rightly so, that if he does not continue along this path and instead reaches a historic compromise with the Jewish state, he will lose his legitimacy as the representative of his people's aspirations.
In the Gaza Strip, there is not even a pretense that concern for the future of Palestinian children overrides the addiction to the desire to eliminate Israel. But lately, it transpires that even Palestinian citizens of Israel and their shameless leadership have interpreted the weakness of the police and the fact that the government of Israel is deterred from combatting the disturbances in the Negev as an invitation to violence. Mansour Abbas, who is trying to behave responsibly and conduct a dialogue with the Jewish public, will find it hard to stand up to the pressure of his voters and act against the provocateurs trying to bring him down.
Beyond the operative need to send Israel's security forces in large numbers into Palestinian population centers, this modus operandi also derives from a deep-rooted recognition. It reflects the grim conclusion that almost every Israeli in the centrist stream has reached, not necessarily consciously and sometimes despite vigorous denial, that the character of Palestinian society and how it chooses to educate its children remove any option, at least in the coming generation, for coexistence between two sovereign countries.
Because their society is addicted to violence and rules out any historic compromise, the Palestinians can be expected to use sovereignty to continue waging war against Israel and to seek the assistance of enemies near (for example, Syria) and far (primarily Iran) in this struggle. They also cannot be expected to rule responsibly over themselves and prevent radical forces. among them and in the region, from bringing disaster upon their people through terror and war, as they have done throughout the past 100 years since they were created as a people. This conclusion is accepted not only by proponents of a Greater Land of Israel and by the soft right that is not fully committed to this vision, but also by a broad majority of those who believe in a compromise and division of the land – with the exception of purist radicals.
When most of these proponents of compromise are asked to detail the measures they would take beyond noble principles, it transpires that the leaders of this camp are in fact speaking about a "state" with very limited sovereignty, not only with regard to the size of its armed forces, but also in the character and diversity of its engagements, control over its air and electromagnetic space, and what it will be allowed to import into its territory. It is no coincidence that Deputy Minister Yair Golan (Meretz) seeks permanent Israeli rule over parts of the Jordan Valley.
When Israel weighs its moves vis-à-vis the Palestinians in this current wave of terror, in its attempt to reach an ongoing accommodation and to calm events on the ground through economic measures and interim or permanent agreements, it must not ignore the lessons of previous generations – lessons we are witness to over Passover and Ramadan – it must maintain in its hands the ability to repress the serial violence that is bereft of any cost-benefit consideration of a responsible nation.
The provocateurs will drag, sooner or later, the majority and the leadership to violence even at the cost of heavy personal and national damage. Many of Israel's Arab citizens have been flirting lately with this behavioral pattern. If they adopt violence en masse, it will be it is important to respond harshly and with deterrence, as was the case in October 2000, and not as in May 2021. Until the next time.
Subscribe to Israel Hayom's daily newsletter and never miss our top stories!
