As Israel stands trial in The Hague following South Africa's petition accusing it of genocide against the Palestinian people, it is almost strange to remember that just 100 days ago it received a big hug from the international community, certainly in the West.
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Shortly after Hamas' monstrous attack, the Foreign Ministry prepared a list of countries that expressed support for Israel and condemned Hamas. There were 84 countries on the list, including Morocco, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, and even Oman, with which there are no diplomatic relations, and India, which traditionally sides with the Palestinians even though it has relations with Israel (by the way, South Africa was not on the list). Some did so at the level of heads of state, ministers, and ambassadors (and some even wrote to Israeli citizens in a special project published by Israel Hayom), while other nations issued a statement on behalf of less-ranking officials, but the trend was clear: An unprecedented majority of leaders were with us. A whole slew of Western officials, including the US President and the leaders of the European Union, Germany, France, and Britain, arrived for solidarity visits. Against this background, Russia and China, which immediately adopted neutrality and avoided immediate condemnations, stood out in their negative approach, as did Turkey, which did not hesitate to support the Palestinians.
The pendulum of coverage returned to its place
But as the bombings progressed towards the ground maneuver, the pendulum of coverage returned to its usual settings, built on varying blends of identifying with the weak and seeing the Palestinians as victims, spiced with post-colonial narratives, as well as equal reliance – in the name of "objectivity," of course – on figures from both the Israeli Ministry of Health and the Hamas-run Ministry of Health. To illustrate, just remember the horrifying coverage of The New York Times or the BBC on the explosion of the Gazan rocket at the Al-Ahli hospital.
Although many media outlets later also published the findings of the Israeli investigation (which is also supported by independent investigations and Western intelligence sources) and drew certain lessons, the gap between how Western media consumers see the war (with emphasis on the destruction in Gaza) and how it is covered on the Israeli side (with a focus on fighting) grew wider and wider.
In this context, public opinion in key countries also changed, although the starting point, immediately after the massacre, was not in Israel's favor either. According to a study by the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), from the outbreak of the war until November 9, 3,891 demonstrations were held worldwide. In the first six days, 69% were against Israel and only 31% were pro-Israel. Since then, 95% of all demonstrations have been pro-Palestinian.
But demonstrations are only one measure. Where is overall public opinion? A poll conducted at the end of November for NPR and PBS found that 61% of Americans supported Israel – although as other polls have shown, Israel has a serious problem among 18-24-year-old Americans. In Russia (as of late October), 6% supported Israel. In Ukraine (mid-December) the figure stood at 69%.
The situation is more complicated in Western Europe. According to a YouGov survey conducted at the end of November in seven major Western European countries, support for Israel is highest in Germany (29%), and lowest in Spain (19%). In five out of the seven countries (including Germany), there was a decline in the weeks following the peak of October 7; on the other hand, in Italy and the UK, the level of support has remained stable and even increased slightly. With the exception of the UK and especially Spain, the increase has been the largest in the group that sees both sides equally at fault. This may be related to the fact that most Europeans (60% to 70%) who participated in the survey still see the two-state solution as the only viable option.
Scenes from the 1930s
But perhaps the most disturbing consequence of the Hamas attack and the launch of Operation Iron Swords has been the surge in antisemitism. This goes beyond the unbelievable figures – such as the 320% spike in incidents in Germany or their doubling in France – but also the severity of cases. In the US, a pro-Israel demonstrator was beaten to death; in Canada, Molotov cocktails were thrown at synagogues; in Britain, reports emerged of buses not stopping for Jewish schoolgirls at bus stops; and in Germany and France, Star of David symbols were painted on the homes of Jews – scenes that could have been taken from the 1930s. If in Israel the massacre perpetrated by Hamas was compared, rightly so, to the Holocaust, it seems that for at least some of the antisemites abroad the reference to that dark chapter in Jewish history has also been completely intentional.
But in this bleak picture, there are also bright spots. Thus, for example, in the US, tolerance for antisemitism has already cost two university presidents their jobs; and in Germany, riots by pro-Hamas Muslim immigrants led to the closure of affiliated entities with it and to the tightening of immigration policies. At the end of the week, Germany also chose to stand with Israel in The Hague to defeat South Africa's case. Unfortunately, it is unlikely that such rays of light will increase so long as the Gaza maneuver progresses.
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