Four years ago, I saw New York cry; with actual tears. Trump won the election and in the streets, at the local bodegas, none of New York's liberals wanted to read the papers or headlines bearing the bitter news, from their point of view, that their world had veered to the right.
The last time they cried collectively was after the Sept. 11 attacks, which is why a visitor from a strange land could have perhaps felt the tension in the air. Four more years of Trump go beyond what American liberals in New York and across the country, in general, can take. Keeping an open mind about another ideology is only acceptable if it comes from Mao, Hug Chavez, Fidel Castro or Che Guevara. It's a strange world, indeed, according to liberal logic.
Follow Israel Hayom on Facebook and Twitter
The issue is that America today is divided into two, dichotomously and unequivocally. Blue versus red in some places and, sadly, even black versus white. However, faced with the disconcerting images of shuttered and boarded shops and businesses in Washington, Philadelphia and New York as they prepare for riots after the election results come in, it's important to remember that America has already known troubling waves of violence. In June, 1968, when Robert Kennedy was murdered during the primaries; the Democratic Convention was particularly violent, Vietnam War protesters were beaten – and the third candidate, George Wallace, incited as no other politician had done before him.
And yet, in New York, the atmosphere is gloomier. The city feels as if it's under siege and bracing for battle. The drive from the airport to midtown New York took me 20 minutes. The streets were empty, traffic is thin. Store windows have been boarded up. It's like the backdrop to a war movie. The hotel, not far from Times Square, is largely empty.
The lobby and cafeteria are desolate. The reception clerk gives me the key to my room and the security guard's cell phone number. After 10 p.m., the front doors will be locked – "call and he will open them for you." "What going on?" I ask. "There's going to be riots," she explains. It's no longer a question, it's a fact, or more accurately: a reality that feeds on itself, exacerbates itself, radicalizes itself. One gets the impression that New York is not getting ready for riots, but is rather creating the appropriate decor for them.
There's no question though, America today is speaking two different languages. I've come to New York for Election Day after two days traveling around Pennsylvania, alongside thousands of Trump voters and a handful of Biden supporters. New York (the city) sees itself as separate from the thousands of people who attended Trump's rallies. They have nothing in common with them. And vice-versa, make no mistake: They don't view themselves as belonging to the same nation. It's not good; it's dangerous even. Trump, therefore, if he continues to a second term, or Biden, if he becomes the 46th president – need to reach out to the other side, embrace the other side – even though it will reject it at first. The economy, violence, and mostly the pandemic are already hard enough on America.
Over the past two weeks, I've been in Nevada, Tennessee, Pennsylvania, Texas (connection), Florida, Arizona, Washington, again Pennsylvania, and finally New York. I saw an America I'd never seen before. I saw an anxious population, due to the pandemic – blacks, whites and Hispanics all sharing the same fate. Racial tensions photograph well for television but appear far less prominently in day-to-day life in America of 2020.
But I also saw a media coordinating to topple a president while blaming him for the 200,000 deaths caused by the virus and the 14 million unemployed. And Trump's base didn't need much more to wake up … I saw a giant gap between a base that loves Trump and a media that is hostile to him to an intolerable degree.
This chasm between warm support from the "base" and the media's blatant enmity is important for understanding Trump's historical significance. These are groups which, as stated, "aren't counted," suffer from a lack of representation, and are portrayed negatively in the media; they are the thousands of transparent citizens whose insights, preferences and worldviews have never had the voice and legitimacy that Trump has given them. He gave them a sense of partnership, a feeling that beyond just voting they can also mold the political map and leave a stamp on the political culture of America.
Although they are framed as "fans" that vote emotionally and perhaps also harbor hostility toward the elites – they are no less rational than Biden voters. Even if his adversaries can't admit it, Trump has policies, and he's kept many of his promises – whether in terms of the economy, domestic policy, and also foreign policy and defense. To be sure, the American left is also largely obsessed with him because of his big mouth, and because he consistently peels off their mask of political correctness.
Yet a large part of their deep aversion for him actually stems from his successful implementation of a Republican-conservative-nationalist agenda, just as he promised his constituency. On Tuesday, America voted, now it is counting the votes and then it will digest the results, in stages. And of course, we haven't forgotten about Congress and the midterms in two years. Because such is America: A large country – 50 countries to be more precise – which live from election to election.
Trump on Tuesday began his day by telling Fox News that he has a good chance of winning but won't "play games" when the results come in. I've covered a lot of events in my life: elections, revolutions, wars, crises, ceremonies and celebrations – but the 2020 election was really something special. Not because of Biden (forgive me, Democrats), who very blandly played his supporting role, and not because of the coronavirus – but because of one man, Donald Trump, who I think should already be invited to the 2024 election in a guest role.
Subscribe to Israel Hayom's daily newsletter and never miss our top stories!
