Dr. Eithan Orkibi

Dr. Eithan Orkibi is the editor of Politi, Israel Hayom's current affairs weekend magazine.

A façade of governability

The Right has been consistent in its principles, whereas the Left – poised to move into power for the first time in a decade – is held together by nothing more than anti-Netanyahu sentiment.

Until not very long ago, some people still tended to criticize the Likud party's lack of a platform. The fact that many members of the party, both new and veteran, were putting out fancy position papers – in full color, with graphics – was taken as proof of the party's democratic nature. The Likud has no path, its opponents scolded, other than a cult of personality for party leader Benjamin Netanyahu. On Tuesday, one political pundit called the party a "cult." Those terms are exhausting in their over-simplification.

But the days ahead, as the mandate to form the next government is handed to Blue and White, could still be interesting because they have an important lesson to teach us about the difference between governability and the illusion of governability.

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Netanyahu worked to exercise the trust the public placed in him in the last election. The venomous terminology about "survival" at any cost and the endless damage it was doing to the poor country who'd had the election "stolen" by the prime minister, is wool over the public's eyes. Netanyahu has a responsibility to his voters to seriously consider any way of implementing the public's faith in him. He can't just drop us simply because his opponents are having trouble forming a coalition.

The most surprising thing is that in the cold light of day, if we ignore all the background noise, it seems as if the camp he is leading is the one demonstrating governability. It is relatively homogenous when it comes to ideology, especially when it comes to core issues, and consistent in the long term. Even those who criticize the prime minister on the Right have legitimate proof of his and the Likud's abilities to go all the way to implement their principles. In that sense, at least for now, Netanyahu's bloc is respecting its overs and the Israeli public much more than Netanyahu's opponents are, because the bloc has the courage to openly declare its political identity. During Netanyahu's time in office, he has proven flexible on ideological matters, but there is one rabbit he has refused to pull out of his hat – a red line he won't cross to remain in power. He never sold his basic principles to stay in power.

That simply cannot be said of Netanyahu's critics, and certainly not about his opponents. What haven't we seen this year: devotes of civil society as awestruck as teens over the militaristic charisma of a bunch of chiefs of staff; fighters for women's rights excusing sexist remarks and under-representation of women; co-existence advocates looking longingly at Avigdor "no loyalty, no citizenship" Lieberman.

Around what core principles is the nascent Blue and White bloc united? And what will we get from them, other than junior high-level slogans about "governability," "unity," and "Israel the beautiful"? We won't hear any important content that is relevant to the Israeli political debate, not even from the Telem party [of Moshe Ya'alon] – and certainly not from anyone who all members of the Blue and White list, let alone the "bloc," can agree on to serve as prime minister.

Things have gone so far that no one is even pretending to be embarrassed by declarations like, "the most urgent matter is to get Netanyahu out of the Prime Minister's Office." That was and is still the only ideological common ground. When that turns into a mandate to form the next government, there is no and cannot be any expectation of ideology. The person who as of yesterday was still heading an anti-religification hotline is now looking at the haredi parties, and one of the proud authors of the nation-state law should pray that his harshest critics will give him their votes.

The very fact that most of the analytic discourse is sinking into metrics of tricks that supersede party lines and the complicated math of mergers that could, in certain conditions, allow Gantz to establish some sort of minority government, proves just how lacking the side that aspires to be "governable" is when it comes to an ideological backbone. And they are trying to market this mixture of discards as "hope" for Israel. Just imagine that.

Both the Left and the Right should be frightened about how far it's gone. The Right, because despite the public's obvious preference for it, it is crumbling, exposed, and vulnerable to targeted attacks by an ideological minority that enjoys serious "artillery" aid. And the Left, which is preening – rightfully – because of its temporary victory, should face up to the reality that it is the minority. The Left has no political viability without enlisting the help of supporting players. After 10 years in the opposition, which it spent demonizing Netanyahu instead of devoting itself to social activity to promote its ideas (everything from a peace plan to the welfare state), the best it can pray for is that a few right-wingers will defect from their political home to help establish a minority government that will collapse after two months. What is certain is that they can't blame Netanyahu for the current crisis. The new low we've reached is thanks to them.

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