Jalal Bana

Jalal Bana is a media adviser and journalist.

A bill to institutionalize discrimination

Don't play dumb, the purpose Likud MK Shlomo Qarai's law proposal is not to encourage voluntary national service, and it certainly isn't meant to encourage military enlistment.

 

It wasn't very long ago that the Likud courted, sometimes openly and other times secretly, Arab support for establishing a government, and even held talks with the Ra'am party, headed by Mansour Abbas, to that end. A short while before those talks, Netanyahu had run a campaign in the Arab sector promising that "We will represent you."

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Those we beautiful days, indeed, for "Abu Yair" (in Arabic, the father of Yair). In the meantime, severe clashes erupted in mixed cities, a military operation was launched in Gaza, and a fifth election appears to be on the horizon. The atmosphere has shifted, and the tune along with it. Members of Knesset, who were never exactly prominent in championing Jewish-Arab relations, are now appearing out of the woodwork with populist ideas that mainly serve a certain segment of the public that very much wants to "show them."

This is the backdrop for Likud MK Shlomo Qarai's new legislative initiative to provide preferential state services and access to those who served in the IDF or voluntary national service. In a situation where 98% of the Arab public doesn't serve in either of these capacities, this can only be considered institutionalized discrimination through law.

You will say in response that if an Arab did serve in the army or volunteer for national service, he or she would be eligible for the benefits. But this is playing dumb: The purpose of such a law is not to encourage voluntary national service, and it certainly isn't meant to encourage military enlistment. Otherwise, it would be precluded by national initiatives in the realm of education, adjusting these systems and making them compatible for absorbing and integrating Arabs, compensation for volunteers and community-level solutions – which have proven effective in facilitating organic social change in the past. Considering the current state of affairs, there's no chance the Arab public will view such legislation as anything other than an obstacle to integration and progress. They will, however, see it as the natural continuation of the nation-state law, further bolstering the inherent systematic advantages enjoyed by Jews in the State of Israel.

Instead of politicians, particularly from the Likud, seeking to increase Arab integration and involvement in service to the state as a strategic objective, and as something that's in the best interest of society as a whole in terms of maximizing the available human potential in all fields, they surrender to the frenzy of the street and endeavor to "teach the Arabs a lesson." The Right has been in power for over a decade, it can no longer complain that it inherited problems and tensions from the previous government.

There's no question that both sides are in serious need of deep introspection. The Likud, however, is in power, and it must shape the future rather than exacerbate past grudges. Even if this past was just two weeks ago, we must build a future that will improve Arab-Jewish relations one month, two years, a decade down the road. We mustn't think in terms of punishment or carrots and sticks, and certainly should not give certain groups preferential treatment at the expense of other groups in a collective or sweeping manner. The order of the day is to encourage integration, not build more walls of separation between us.

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