"We have much to learn from you," Indian intellectual Professor Makarand Paranjape said during our conversation at the end of his first visit to Israel. "For example, the sense of community and national pride that brings commitment and responsibility to the collective. The identity and collective responsibility aren't sufficiently developed in India. Indians are very individualistic by nature. Hinduism in the past mainly dealt with personal liberation, but today, we understand that we need to think in terms of collective redemption as well. We need in India a story of collective liberation similar to your 'Exodus' from Egypt."
To Israelis, Professor Paranjape's name doesn't resonate much, but in India, he is considered a prominent intellectual figure in the nationalist right camp. He holds a doctorate in English literature from Stanford University and served as head of the Center for English Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi (JNU), considered the country's leading university in humanities. The boycotts and harassment he experienced from colleagues who labeled him an "Indian nationalist" – a label he strongly rejects – led him to leave the position after 25 years. Following this incident, he wrote a book that stirred considerable controversy in the country about the conquest of Indian academia by radical leftists.
Paranjape frequently expresses his views in public discussions about India's future and cultural standing. His writings cover diverse topics, including Hindu cultural studies, criticism of Western hegemony, and the aspiration to return to Indian philosophical principles. He has published books examining the philosophy of Indian spiritual leader Sri Aurobindo and Mahatma Gandhi's political legacy.
He came to Israel as part of the first Indian delegation of its kind, including intellectuals, journalists, military personnel, and former politicians. Behind the delegation stands the organization "Sharaka" ("partnership" in Arabic), established during the Abraham Accords to promote cooperation and deepen ties between Israel and Muslim countries, now expanding its activities to India. The delegation conducted a five-day tour in Israel that included visiting Gaza border communities, meeting with Nova festival survivors, and discussions with figures like Knesset Member Amit Halevi and Dr. Einat Wilf.
"The State of Israel is one of the most extraordinary creations, political creations in modern times, or maybe for thousands of years," Paranjape believes. "The way it was created and what you've accomplished today is so out of this world, so special, that every day I see new proofs, new evidence of this. Look at how you dealt with Hezbollah, how you blew up their pagers. It's hard to imagine the level of intelligence, efficiency, creativity, dynamism, and determination required for that. If India had even a fraction of these capabilities, our enemies would fear us, too. We have homework to do."
Paranjape also recognizes the challenges and obstacles facing Israeli society. "I've seen how people are frustrated with the ultra-Orthodox who don't serve in the military and don't defend the country yet still want to enjoy all its benefits. Nevertheless, from what I've seen, this doesn't reflect the majority of society. The sense of responsibility is evident even in small things, not just in civilian mobilization during wartime. I boarded the light rail in Jerusalem this morning, and when the ticket inspector came through, there wasn't a single person on the train who hadn't paid. For an Indian, this isn't self-evident. Sometimes, I feel we need a national service like in Israel to educate people about involvement. We can also learn efficiency and creativity from you, the way you solve problems. I see in Israel not just innovation but resourcefulness. You have a water shortage problem? You find a solution. Food? Your food technologies are very advanced. I could list hundreds of things. This approach to innovation is somewhat lacking for us.
"On the other hand, being here has also made me appreciate India more. I'm usually impatient with my country, wanting it to progress faster and fulfill its potential. But when I arrived here, I realized how fortunate we are in India – geographically, we have a beautiful country with natural protections on all sides. We have vast territory with abundant resources, and our population is large, creating tremendous human capital. Indians are among the most intelligent populations in the world, just like Jews."
They wanted to enlist in the fight against Hamas
Paranjape's enthusiastic support for Israel is not unusual in the subcontinent. On October 7, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi expressed clear support for Israel, and since then, his government has continued this approach, blocking anti-Israeli decisions in international forums and abstaining from UN votes against Israel. The October 7 attack even prompted many Indians to offer to enlist in the IDF and assist in the war, until former Israeli Ambassador to India, Naor Gilon, wrote on social media, thanking them for their support but explaining that Israel would not be able to accept their help on the battlefield.
Indian support for Israel has historical roots. "In every war we've fought against Pakistan, we received critical support from Israel, whether officially or beneath the surface. Previous Indian governments weren't always transparent about this support, but since Modi came to power, the partnership with Israel has been completely clear, and it's also separate from our relations with Arab countries. We want good relations with Arab countries, especially the UAE and Saudi Arabia, while simultaneously maintaining excellent relations with Israel. We've already crossed that obstacle. There was much anger about the atrocities Hamas committed, and this anger, together with the perception that this is a small country that has always helped us, led to widespread support.
"Support for Israel also stemmed from a deep identification of Hindus with Jews who were attacked by Muslims. During the partition with Muslim Pakistan, Hindus developed an understanding that when Islamic extremists confront those they see as 'infidels' or enemies – the use of torture, rape, and murder of women or hostages is part of their strategy. Many Indians, including a large segment of the liberal intellectual elite, understand that radical Islam is an existential threat to Hindu civilization."
However, Paranjape clarifies that the Indian mood regarding Israel has changed significantly since the war began. "The support has waned, and now that almost one and a half years or more have gone by, the other narrative has become strong, and the balance of force has also tipped, and the numbers of 45,000 or 40,000 dead on the other side has now brought down that level of tremendously enthusiastic support.
Relations between Hindus and Muslims in the Indian subcontinent are part of a long and complex history, beginning with the arrival of Islam to the region in the 7th century and continuing in the 15th century with the rule of Muslim empires like the Mughal Empire, which Hindus viewed as a colonialist invasion. Over the years, religious, political, and cultural tensions developed between the populations. A key milestone was the 1947 partition of India and the establishment of Muslim Pakistan, which led to direct war over Kashmir and many outbreaks of violence. Since then, the tension between the groups hasn't disappeared, and interfaith violence occurs periodically. According to various estimates, about 14% of India's population is Muslim. As of 2021, this means approximately 200 million Muslims, making India the country with the largest number of Muslims after Indonesia and Pakistan.
Q: As in Israel, the number of Muslims in India is not one that can be ignored. What do you think about the future possibility of lasting peace between Muslims and non-Muslims in India?
"I believe in peace, and it will be possible only when believing Muslims denounce and publicly condemn the ideology of radical Islam, jihad, rape of women, and murder of innocents that occur around the world in the name of Islam. Unfortunately, even Muslims who disagree with this violence don't have the courage to say so openly. Slowly they're beginning to come out and speak, but it's a long process. I see secular Muslims in India who openly oppose jihadism and consequently suffer disrespect in their community, and there are also important voices from former Muslims who courageously criticize aspects of Islam. It's worth remembering that compared to the Middle East, Hindu-Muslim relations have been good throughout history."
Q: The problem is that Islam itself will need to undergo a radical reform. Can you see that happening in your lifetime?
"I have Muslim friends who say the solution will only come when the Quran is re-edited. Changing the verses themselves is obviously impossible, so as a first step, I suggest that Muslim religious scholars reformulate interpretations in a more liberal way and lead the next generation toward a more moral and tolerant approach. I believe humanity's future depends on a deep change in consciousness. As Sri Aurobindo said, war will become psychologically impossible only when human consciousness changes."
Fascinated with death
Last May, Paranjape published an article discussing pro-Palestinian protests and the alliance formed between the progressive left and Islamists on elite American university campuses. One of his conclusions was that "the writing on the wall is clear – a Jewish-Hindu alliance needs to be formed in academic and intellectual circles."
Q: What is the purpose of such an alliance?
"We need to address a puzzle – why are the leftists who are atheists, who have no use for religion, aligning with Islamists and radicals on US campuses and elsewhere in India, in Bangladesh? And it's, I think, a kind of worship of death; it's very interesting. Historically, we know the outcome of such alliances. When a coup occurred in Bangladesh in 1971, and the Islamists of the Jamaat-e-Islami party [a branch of the Muslim Brotherhood] seized power, the first people they killed weren't just Hindus, but also the leftists who helped them carry out the coup."
Q: Just like in the Iranian Revolution in 1979, when Khomeini killed the Iranian leftists who helped him in the revolution against the Shah.
"Yes, the same with Afghanistan. When the Taliban came to power, they eliminated all the leftists."
Photo credit: Atef Safadi/AFP
Q: What's the solution to this puzzle?
"The answer to me is unfortunately or fortunately a psychological and spiritual answer, it's not a political answer. I think they worship death, if not worship – I don't want to offend anybody – but they love the cult of death, whereas we love the cult of life. We want life, we want to enjoy life, we believe in life, but they are so negative. I feel that they are always going like a spanner in the works, they want to destroy, they're counter-systemic. So the counter-systemic forces get together."
Q: And against this alliance, you call for forming a counter-alliance between Hindus and Jews.
"It's very difficult because many Hindus are leftists, just as many Jews are leftists, especially in the west. So first of all, they are a divided lot from both sides. That's why we have to identify the slightly more conservative elements in both the Hindu as well as the Jewish intelligentsia in the diaspora, because Hindu diaspora is very powerful like the Jewish diaspora. So it needs a two-prong strategy – India-Israel, and then the diaspora, largely in the US because it's very prosperous and now powerful. So these two-prong strategies have to be worked out carefully. I'm always interested not just in talk but in alliances based on – I don't want to call them contracts – but on compacts, on common interests, as well as on a lot of discussion and debate, which is a part of the Jewish tradition and also to a large extent a part of the Hindu tradition. I like it to be deeply thought out. I just don't want trendy things happening just for the moment. So it's a long-term prospect for the next not 50-100, for the next thousand years. So it must be thought out very carefully."
When I point out a common denominator between Jewish and Hindu cultures, which both combine tradition and modernity, Paranjape responds enthusiastically. "In India, especially among Hindus, there was a renaissance in the 18th and 19th centuries that focused on questions of how to deal with modernity and what modernity actually is. Gandhi wrote that Western modernity as we know it is suicidal. It releases enormous technological power but lacks the spiritual awakening to balance it, resulting in self-destruction – excessive consumption, obsession with medicine and drugs, weapons of mass destruction, and global warming. In the West, after the Renaissance and the Industrial Revolution, rationality became the driving force of progress. But in Hindu culture, spiritual wisdom, enlightenment, and intuition are seen as superior to rationality, which should be a servant, not a master. Modern Hindu thinkers have managed to combine the two, while in modern Islam there's a tendency to reject rationality and science and return to the authority of scripture, which harms progress. If you compare education levels, innovation, and technological openness between Hindus and Muslims in India, you see the big difference. You Jews have gone a similar way."
Pretend openness
Criticism of academic leftists didn't emerge for Paranjape only following pro-Palestinian demonstrations on American campuses; it started much earlier. Over the years, Paranjape has criticized the dominance of radical leftist ideas in Indian academia and expressed concern that their influence harms freedom of thought and the ability to conduct open academic discussion. He expressed these claims in his book "The JNU: A Critique," published in 2019, which attracted considerable attention.
