The cameras didn't show who was present, but all of Donald J. Trump's and Benjamin Netanyahu's advisers were in the Oval Office when their meeting began. Some sat on the yellow sofas, others stood around. What mattered most were the facial expressions, particularly those of Netanyahu's team. As Trump answered reporters' questions, even before the leaders themselves began their discussion, the tension on the advisers' faces was evident.
Some appeared slightly pale, no one smiled. The room held a palpable anticipation to hear what Trump would say in this meeting that Netanyahu himself had described the night before as "the most important I've ever had." From the Israeli perspective, you could cut the tension with a knife. In Netanyahu's view and that of his team, not only was Israel's fate hanging in the balance but also the prime minister's political future. If he returned from Washington without political oxygen, the chances of his government falling and his political career ending would be high. If he received Trump's backing, both he and his government could survive.
An hour and a half later, those same faces looked entirely different. While Trump and Netanyahu remained to talk privately, their teams filed one after another into the White House's ornate East Room, where five years ago the "Deal of the Century" that ultimately led to the Abraham Accords was presented. The faces of Vice President JD Vance, newly appointed Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, National Security Adviser Tzachi Hanegbi, political adviser Ophir Falk, and others now appeared completely relaxed. Color had returned to their cheeks, especially those of the Israelis, and the atmosphere had lightened. Minister Ron Dermer huddled with envoy Steve Witkoff. The latter embraced the new Israeli ambassador, Yechiel Leiter – both bereaved fathers who had formed a strong bond. They occasionally burst into laughter, and from the Israeli perspective, quite justifiably.
Trump stood firmly with Israel in his uniquely characteristic way. While on the Iranian issue, at least according to his public statements, there are gaps that need to be bridged. But compared to the previous administration, and certainly in light of the remarkable proposal to evacuate Gaza and rebuild it, one couldn't ask for more. Because for argument's sake, even if not a single resident ultimately leaves Gaza, the mere placement of this idea on the international agenda, and with such force, represents a historic achievement for the Zionist enterprise – an achievement that rivals only the momentous steps Trump himself took during his first term.

In his insistence on emptying Gaza, Trump is dismantling the concept known as "the Palestinian struggle," much like the IDF has demolished buildings in Gaza. A hundred years during which the Arabs of the Land of Israel have killed the Jews of the land, in the name of some invented idea of a "Palestinian people" whose land was supposedly stolen by "Jewish colonial occupation," were bulldozed by one historic meeting. One of the strongest leaders the world has seen makes it clear that all these mind games, which have been driving humanity crazy for decades, are worthless in his eyes. And to think that just yesterday, Israeli commentators were still claiming Trump had sympathy for the Palestinians.
In his straightforward yet not simplistic view, embodying the "Common sense" approach that won him America, Trump states something profoundly true: for almost 80 years, Gaza has produced only death and destruction. The time has come to dismantle and rebuild. All the narratives about "Palestinian land," and the "morality" in whose name one cannot speak ill of "Palestinians," do not interest him. And truthfully, why should they? Could there be another solution for "the most incited population in the world," as Senator Lindsey Graham defined it?
Trump not only crushes the distorted morality in whose name hundreds of thousands in the West and on American campuses rallied to support Hamas' horrific massacre, but also establishes a different moral standard. He is essentially telling Gazans something like this: "You celebrated in the streets on Oct. 7? You rejoiced over the murder of elderly people, rape of women, kidnapping of children, dismemberment, and burning families alive? Now you'll pay. Whether you want to or not, we'll teach you what it means to be human beings and not worse than animals. Justice will be served." This is the implied message, and it is so right and necessary.
A direct connection exists between the idea of evacuating Gaza and the operation to deport illegal immigrants from America, which Trump initiated immediately upon his return to the White House. In both cases, the president is effectively signaling that there is law and order in the world and that not everyone can do as they please. Moreover, similar to his actions with America's neighboring countries, Trump is establishing new rules of the game using his unique method.
What is the method? Throw many balls into the air with great force, then see which one can be caught. That's what he did a day before meeting Netanyahu, with Canada and Mexico. He threatened both nations with a 25% tariff increase. At the last moment, both he and they temporarily compromised on deploying thousands of their soldiers to their shared borders and on their determined fight against illegal entry and drug smuggling from their territories into America. It's unclear who won and who lost in this battle, but it's clear that Trump was the one who led and set the pace and moves.

This is likely how it will play out regarding what Trump called here yesterday "the American takeover of Gaza." At the end of the process, he will either get what he wants – as happened with the expulsion of migrants to Colombia, for example – or he will extract a significant compromise from Arab leaders. Either way, since the evacuation proposal goes further than even Israel's most right-wing politicians, any compromise will ultimately be heavily tilted in Israel's favor. It is entirely possible that the compromise could take the form of the hostages' return. This, for example, is a concession around which both sides could rally.
Moreover, Trump cannot retreat from the idea without some evacuation from Gaza. His prestige now hangs in the balance. Obviously, the Israeli interest is in as extensive an evacuation as possible. There is no better cure for the terminal illness called Gaza. But time will tell what the final numbers will be.
In any case, beyond the immediate aspect, the presentation of the idea makes it legitimate in the long term. Just like Trump's 2020 sovereignty plan, which initially shocked the world and today is clearly on the table, the mass evacuation of Arabs from Judea and Samaria and Gaza is now part of the game, in full or in part, sooner or later, by Trump and/or his successors. From this perspective, Israel could not have asked for more. So the Israeli smiles, here in Washington and back home, are entirely justified.