"The strategic goal of the operation in Gaza should be to liberate the Gaza Strip from any presence of the Hamas organization – the civilian Hamas and the military Hamas; there should be no distinction and both need to cease to exist," former Mossad Director Yossi Cohen says.
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In a special interview with Israel Hayom, Cohen believes this is a realistic goal, "albeit not easy to achieve since it's a highly asymmetric conflict."
He states that Israel follows the laws of war regarding non-combatants and targets only terrorists. "However, the challenge lies in the complexity of the Gaza Strip, where Hamas is embedded within the civilian population, and it forces them to act according to its will. It will pose a big challenge for Israeli forces but I know that the IDF is prepared for this and has the capabilities to get it doesn't, even though it's not a simple task."
Q: With more than 200 captives in Gaza, is it possible to solve this matter during the fighting?
"This makes the mission of the IDF more complex, but it's part of our reality. We don't negotiate directly with Hamas; we have never done that. Nevertheless, different intermediaries are likely engaged in efforts to have them released. These are communications that are ongoing as we speak."
Q: Is it possible?
"Hamas also has interests and demands that it will likely present, but I am not well-versed in these. I think the absolute Israeli absolute demand should be the immediate unconditional return of all captives to Israeli territory"
Cohen volunteered this week to assist the captive families' special team, the group advocating on behalf of all the families of the 203 captives held in the Gaza Strip – civilians and soldiers alike.
He also met with Gal Hirsch, who was appointed to coordinate the efforts. "I talked with them about legitimacy. I told the families not to hesitate, that everyone in their own way, in their language, speak. Say it in Hebrew, those who can say it in Arabic, English, or French, tell your harrowing personal story to the foreign media. It's one of the actions that will expand the circle of legitimacy."
Q: Are you surprised by Hamas' cruelty? Suddenly we got ISIS on steroids.
"I think we were all shocked. I don't think any of us thought there could be such cruelty that would translate into these shocking actions they took. I don't think there's a citizen in this world who has not been surprised by the intensity of cruelty."
Video: 'It's a massacre' - Israeli kibbutz highlights destruction of Hamas attack / Credit: Reuters
Since the attack on October 7, Cohen has been involved in Israeli efforts. He has talked to various figures in the region and around the world to garner support for the operation and his words have not fallen on deaf ears.
"Behind closed doors, we receive tremendous support in every field we want, but I won't get into details. But it's tremendous at all levels and from all leaders in the arena. They are unequivocally with us, they are concerned with us about this abnormal organization, they are afraid of the existence of this organization in our shared neighborhood, and they will do everything they can to help us combat terrorism - because it could be Hamas, but also Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and sometimes Hezbollah – and bring back the captives. I'm working with them on both of these tasks together."
Q: You mentioned Hezbollah. As someone who dealt with this organization for years, what do you think they want now?
"I would advise against guessing what Hezbollah's intentions are. There will be no more surprises here because we are all alert and prepared. We need to be ready for an all-out confrontation with Hezbollah, and if we rely on the IDF chief of staff's words, the IDF is prepared for a two-front war. I don't think the October 7 surprise reflects our organizational military capability, and therefore I say we can also face Hezbollah. We would start off the war with an advantage in both size and technology. Not that the campaign will be easy on our soldiers or the home front, but we can handle them."
Q: And when you see American support, does it reflect just shared interests or perhaps an Israeli weakness?
"I think what the United States is doing – and it is doing it very nicely right now – is telling everyone: 'Don't mess with Israel. We love Israel, and we will ensure its existence. If you mess with Israel beyond a certain point, we will get involved.' Will the US intervene alongside us in the fighting? I wasn't in closed-room meetings then, so I can't say. I think it's right to listen to President Joe Biden – from his first statement on the matter all the way to sending the USS Gerald Ford aircraft carrier and the visit to the country. We should listen very carefully to what he says. I think there is an understanding here on the American side that a much larger situation could evolve here and the US may need to intervene. That's how I would interpret it."
Q: How has the Iranian axis interpreted this?
"Tehran is present throughout the entire conflict; they are very much involved in the details. We see this in many battlefronts: the force buildup they have presided over in Gaza; the shipments by sea; the smuggling of rockets through Sudan; various intermediaries that assisted in introducing technology into Gaza; training that we observe among these terrorists under their auspices; Hamas specialists who learned from them about precision munitions; and more. This means there is a clear Iranian involvement, including financial support, to help Hamas. It appears in every one of the intelligence regions we are monitoring."
Q: Aren't they concerned that they will also pay a price now, on their own turf? For now, they are playing on ours, but it could easily shift to theirs.
"I haven't gotten the impression that Iran is deterred by some element. But we've all listened carefully to President Biden's very good public statements. No specific country was mentioned, and no specific organization was mentioned by name. We didn't hear him say, 'Hezbollah, be careful, or PIJ, be careful.' That is not a coincidence."
Q: But what do the Iranians want?
"I wouldn't dare to make an absolute statement that Iran will activate Hezbollah or prevent it from acting. I think Hezbollah can act independently, and I have no doubt there is coordination, but I'm not sure that Hezbollah will act only at the command of the Iranians. And even if Hezbollah decides to act against the Iranians' judgment, I don't think Iran would oppose such action. But I have no doubt, and I'm convinced, that Iran is gleeful over what happened on October 7, and it will not hesitate to continue supporting both of these organizations together."
Q: Are they not bothered that Israel might bring down Hamas now?
"Iran will not shed a tear for Hamas terrorists who will be killed, and I hope this includes the majority of them, in the Gaza Strip or beyond. Iran will continue to support the existing organizations or those that continue to operate after the fighting ends, such as Hezbollah, the Houthis, and various other terrorist organizations that Iran sponsors.
"Iran is the only active state-sponsor of terror today, not just operating through proxies but also deploying terrorists directly, which we have to deal with. All the recently reported covert operations, including in the Israeli media, deal with Iranian meddling that seeks to harm Jews, Israelis, and Wester targets all over. In all these cases, Iran is always involved."
Q: Let's go back to the attack on October 7. In hindsight, was it right to grant Hamas the immunity that Israel provided them by letting workers into Israel, by letting funding go in, and by refraining from attacks?
"Those like me know that the State of Israel, as a Jewish, democratic, and peace-seeking country, tried in every way to make the humanitarian distinction between a terrorist organization and the civilians in Gaza. That's how we acted. You can't blame us for trying to reach an understanding or an agreement with people who, on the surface at least, seemed similar to us. We, like many others, attempted to change the atmosphere in the Gaza Strip or try to alter the interests within the Gaza Strip and convince those who needed convincing to pursue non-violent goals. In this regard, we did not succeed."
Q: Can you understand why Israel had a misconception? As a seasoned intelligence professional, 50 years after the 1973 war, how did we fall into this trap again?
"I don't know how this happened. I do know that this issue is being thoroughly investigated while we continue to learn and there are serious questions that the intelligence community will need to ask itself. There is a deep and painful intelligence inquiry that must take place, and I believe that the citizens of Israel both deserve and require answers."
Q: What about the question of accountability?
"People have taken responsibility. I read the letter from the Head of Military Intelligence Directorate and others, and I think they did the right thing by taking responsibility. This is a matter that needs to be taken seriously, and we should not wait for fighting to end."
Q: Should the civilian echelon do the same?
You will have to ask them. You know how to reach them.
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