Former head of the IDF Military Intelligence Directorate, Maj. Gen. (res.) Tamir Hayman, has racked up plenty of experiences in his 34 years in the military. One of the most chilling, for him and for the country, in recent years was the return of the remains of Israeli soldier Zachary Baumel returned home some 37 years after he went missing during a major battle fought in 1982 on the Syrian-Lebanon border.
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The former MI chief rejected the claim that the retrieval of Baumel's remains was an election campaign "gift" from Russian President Vladimir Putin to former Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, saying, "That's simply not true. This was a long operation the efforts of which had come to fruition. There were past attempts to make it happen. The timing had nothing to do with the elections."
As head of MI, and because of his involvement with efforts to bring Baumel's remains home, Hayman was invited to represent the IDF.
"The event was really moving. At the ceremony at the Russian Defense Ministry, there were rows of Russian soldiers, saluting the coffin, which was wrapped in an Israeli flag. It was a very honorable salute. For me, as someone who began his service in a tank, like Baumel, it was also a kind of closure. I felt a commitment to him. It was an event I'll remember all my life," Hayman tells Israel Hayom.
Q: As someone who sat with Putin and is familiar with Israel's interests in Syria, is Israel right to take a relatively quiet stance on the war in Ukraine? In terms of values, couldn't we be expected to take a clear stance against the Russian invasion and war crimes?
"Israel can have a much clearer voice on this matter. The State of Israel strongly opposes any interference by a foreign power in border conflicts and national issues of self-determination, so it is in Israel's interest to come out and say that we oppose anyone who thinks of solving border problems through military force, military enforcement, and sans an internal solution."
Q: How would a critical stance by Israel affect the Israeli Air Force's freedom of operation in Syria?
"Even if there is operational fallout, the IDF will be able to cope with it. These are tactical considerations and they shouldn't impact making such an important stand with respect to morals and national security."
Q: Tell me about your meetings with Putin.
"I visited him twice. I think we made our problem with Iranian entrenchment [in Syria] clear, and the fact that it is being concealed behind Syrian infrastructure. Of course, I didn't get a nod of assent, but they respect that, because they understand what must be done in the face of threats to national security, or when there is a threat of long-range missiles against us."
Critical thinking is called for
Hayman, 54, began his career in the IDF in a tank, and spent a considerable part of his service on the country's northern border. He commanded the northern Gaash Division when the Syrian war was at its height, including during the period when Israel was running a field hospital for wounded Syrian civilians. He also served in a number of training roles, including head of the IDF Military Colleges, and was head of MI from 2018-2021 – a role that brought him into frequent contact with Israel's political leadership, especially under Netanyahu.
On Hayman's watch at MI, a special forces raid in Khan Younis in the Gaza Strip went terribly wrong, ending with the death of Lt. Col. Mahmoud Khir al-Din. The event led to an in-depth probe that eventually overhauled and improved all aspects of the military's special operations. Hayman was head of MI during Operation Guardian of the Walls against Hamas infrastructure in Gaza in May of 2021, as well.
Last week, Hayman was named managing director of the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS). He joins Professor Manuel Trajtenberg, head of the INSS, who will continue to direct the institute's socioeconomic activity, while Hayman will handle defense and diplomatic research.
Hayman sits down with Israel Hayom at his new office. He hopes to refresh the thinking at INSS, bring in unconventional ideas that can enrich the decision making process of the military and national leadership.
"The world today, especially after the Ukraine war, makes it clear that military force and heavy combat are still alive and kicking," he says. "As someone who is well-versed in the defense establishment, I say that the military and civilian leadership need an external body of assessment, one that has integrity and is free from agendas, that sees the full scope of things."
Q: Is there an example of how INSS has contributed to decision making?
"Yes. At the institute, we have the 'China Program,' with a lot of experts in the field. Research done here shows that there are positive aspects of the Chinese investments [in Israel], but also dangers. The program has had significant influence on Israeli policy."
Q: You said that INSS is supposed to provide a different point of view, but there is criticism that it is a strong reflection of the defense establishment, because it is comprised of former defense and security officials.
"The institute isn't made up only of veterans, but also of academic experts, and the meeting between the doers, the veterans, and the researchers, is a unique one. I object to the claim that there are only ex-defense people here."
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Q: Speaking here, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett made a speech in which he criticized the defense apparatus' rigid thinking and argued that creative thinking is called for. What is your opinion?
"That's an important challenge and shows that it was correct to pose it. Every entity should be subject to critical thinking. In MI, ever since the 1973 Yom Kippur War, playing devil's advocate is almost a religion. So in that sense I'm in favor of it, as long as we aren't talking about sarcasm or cynicism or just spitballing, but actual, solid opinions."
National security in multiple layers
Hayman was in charge of MI during Guardian of the Walls, and is aware that there were several aspects of the war that caught Israel by surprise. Until it broke out, MI thought that Hamas had been deterred and had no interest in an escalation of violence. They made the same claims prior to Operation Protective Edge in 2014 – and then, too, Hamas proceeded to escalate. Indeed, MI appears to have missed several major events, from the fall of former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak to the survival of Syrian President Bashar Assad.
"There will always be events that everyone misses," Hayman admits. "Reality, as we know, cannot be predicted, and we might miss things in the future, too. But the goal is to reduce the chance of missing anything, and to try to predict as much as possible. Some things can't be predicted, like religious elements, desperation, or public dynamics."
Q: There is another discrepancy that bothers a lot of people – the enormous spending on defense vs. the sense that they are unsafe. It's especially palpable in Jerusalem and in the periphery, but not only there.
"There are multiple layers to national security. There is personal safety and an individual's sense of safety, there is protecting the borders and there is sovereignty. The defense and security establishment is doing very well in terms of sovereignty and protecting [us] against enemies, as well as against terrorist organizations. There are difficult, complicated events, like lone-wolf attacks and copycats. Our intelligence apparatus is one of the top in the world when it comes to handling lone-wolf attacks. Still, when there's a wave like this, there is a certain lack when it comes to the sense of personal safety."
Q: During Operation Guardian of the Walls, we saw an unprecedented wave of rioting by Arab Israelis, including lynches of Jews and blocking roads. After that, there were riots in the Negev after trees were planted there. Should the system start preparing for the Palestinian conflict to dovetail with the Arab Israeli issue?
"There are certain very special issues that bring together all the Arab and Israeli players, religious issues – the Temple Mount, first and foremost. Without the Temple Mount, it wouldn't happen. The Temple Mount is the spark that sets off everything else. But the Arab Israeli sector as a whole are not the Palestinians in Judea and Samaria. And if we don't make any serious mistakes, they won't link up with each other.
"Arab Israelis want to be part of Israel. They won't give up on that for the sake of Palestinian residency [status] in Judea and Samaria. The Palestinians in Judea and Samaria have a different vision, so the connection over religion and the Temple Mount could be something that unites them. The second issue that could bring them together is something random and unplanned that results from the lack of a political decision. But that isn't something that will happen in the next year or two, but many years down the line. It's a long-term strategic threat and has to do with strategic decisions that need to be implemented."
Q: What direction should that strategic decision take when it comes to the Palestinians? Two states? The Geneva proposal? The Trump plan? Maybe one state?
"The Palestinian issue is one of the complicated missions [facing Israel]. Maybe we need to look for other paths. I see no point to the current solutions. Neither a diplomatic nor a military solution are realistic, or feasible. It will also be bad if we don't do anything, and it goes against the Zionist ethos. Decisions must be made."
Q: Decisions toward what?
"If I had an answer, you'd know. It's an exciting challenge. Every recommendation needs to meet Israel's security principles. Speaking of the Trump plan, it had its problems, but in terms of security, it provided an answer for most of the challenges."
Q: How do you explain the calm since Guardian of the Walls?
"Guardian of the Walls was one of the fiercest wars we've waged against Hamas. The IDF acted very aggressively, and only refrained from harming civilians. There were no limits to strikes on or bringing down Hamas' leadership or government. We took off the gloves and surprised them every day. They suffered a major blow to their force building, and they knew they'd be surprised each day. So the underground attack [on Hamas' tunnel network] was also important. It created something that was missing in Protective Edge."
Q: So Hamas was deterred?
"Deterrence is something that exists in people's minds. I prefer the term 'interests.' Hamas can use force at any moment, from balloons to rockets. It opts not to. Guardian of the Walls created losses for Hamas that cooled its enthusiasm to head into a war with Israel. It won't last forever, obviously, but it buys us time."
The importance of international support
Along with the domestic issues that keep the defense establishment busy, Iran is still a concern, especially when it seems that a renewed nuclear deal is on the brink of being signed. Hayman thinks the nuclear deal between Iran and the West isn't a black and white issue, and should be reexamined daily.
"At any point in time, things should be examined according to the data available. So what does Iran have at the moment? According to Defense Minister Benny Gantz, Iran already has more than 50 kilograms of uranium enriched to 60%, when one bomb requires 42 kg, meaning that they have exceeded the amount of fissile material sufficient to produce the first bomb.
"This means that the situation that would have happened once the nuclear deal elapsed [in 2030] wouldn't have been as bad as the current situation, as Iran has stockpiled so much enriched material and its abilities have advanced beyond what the deal had allowed it to pursue.
"Therefore, my conclusion is that in the reality of here and now, reaching a deal is the right thing."
An agreement between Western powers with the Islamic republic will buy Israel time, Hayman said. "It would diminish and offset the amount of enriched uranium Iran has; it would set it back and it would buy [us] a very long time because enrichment takes a long time."
Israel could put this time to good use, he continued. "It can be used to issue threats, improve military capabilities, form international coalitions, or put in place infrastructure for the day after the current deal elapses."
Q: Was that your position when you were head of MI?
"No. Therefore I stress that my position is about this point in time. When [US] President Biden took office, Iran was prepared to go back to the 2015 deal, but on the exact same terms. They argued, and it was valid, that they hadn't violated the deal – it was Trump. The problem was that from 2016-2021, things happened on the ground and a new reality was created that needs to be addressed. That's what we told the Americans and what the Americans told the Iranians. In 2021, there is no way of returning to the reality of 2015."
Q: What is your opinion of the US removing the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps from its terror list?
"I see it as a symbolic move rather than one of any significance. It has no actual importance, as long as the [IRGC] Quds Force is defined as a terrorist organization. That's what really matters."
Q: If no nuclear deal is signed, what should be done?
"A non-deal would demand a new regional and international strategy that includes force building by the IDF, an international coalition, and agreements with the US, which is the most important aspect of our capabilities. So it's important to keep the US on our side."
Q: In other words, it's not a problem Israel can solve on its own.
"Such a major operation should have backing by international powers, even if you are capable of carrying it out operationally. Comparisons to strikes on the nuclear reactors in Syria and Iraq are incorrect. This is something much bigger. We could take military action, but it should be our last resort, not our first. If necessary, we'll do it."
