The soldiers inducted into the ranks of the IDF starting Tuesday will be getting a surprise: their compulsory service has been shortened by two months, making their total time in the army 30 months.
It didn't happen out of the blue. The move was well-known and expected, but like everything else in Israel, its execution was dragged out, and when the target date for implementing the decision arrived, July 1, the policy took effect. Now attempts will be made to roll it back, which is why every new inductee had to sign off that he agreed to serve an additional two months if a decision were made to extend compulsory service to 32 months.
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Shortened compulsory service is the result of a deal between former Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon and former Defense Minister Moshe Ya'alon that set the IDF's budget for the term of the previous chief of staff, Lt. Gen. (res.) Gadi Eizenkot, and made it possible for the military to move ahead with its Gideon multi-year work plan. The plan reduced compulsory service for men from 36 to 32 months, starting in the summer of 2015, and called for another two months to be shaved off starting in July 2020.
The Finance Ministry pushed for the decision because it wanted to bring young workers into the job market, which would lead to faster growth and boost the nation's GDP. The ministry presented estimates showing that the move could be worth a billion shekels a year to the economy. Prior to the coronavirus crisis, when unemployment was negative and there was a lack of workers, it made sense, especially when the IDF itself admitted that it didn't need all soldiers to spend a full three years in mandatory service.
At the time the decision was made, the IDF was worried that it could hurt its combat units. It takes time to train troops who serve in tanks or in the Shayetet; shortening the training would hurt the troops, whereas shortening their service would affect the amount of time they could be of use. The solution? "Extra compulsory service" for some 3,000 soldiers in specific positions (members of elite and commando units, as well as certain roles in various other branches) that would continue for an extra four months. For those four months, the soldiers would receive pay equivalent to what career army personnel at their ranks earn.

It wasn't a perfect solution. It also forced to IDF to open more roles to women so it could release men from combat positions. In addition to the drop in motivation for combat service and the rise in soldiers being discharged early for mental health reasons, the IDF has found itself fighting to keep up its quotas. Some combat units have had difficulty filling all their positions.
The IDF is concerned that the additional reduction to compulsory service that has now taken effect will make these problems worse. The extra-service mechanism is slated to expire next year, but even if it is extended, it might not be enough to plug all the holes. The problem is particularly acute in three sectors: combat, tech roles, and specific jobs such as reconnaissance. Everyone else – drivers, clerks, logistics workers, can be discharged early, but the three aforementioned sectors could be severely, and adversely, affected by the cut.
Eizenkot, who supported another reduction to compulsory service, thought that adding more extra service would make up the shortage. Most soldiers discharged from compulsory service would go to work, and the ones who stayed would sign off ahead of time and be paid fairly for every extra day. Even today, there are some IDF officials who think that this is a reasonable solution to the problem, mainly because it allows the IDF to dump less vital personnel and keep the soldiers it needs.
"There is no reason for us to hold onto three administration people we won't need for every one combat soldier," a high-ranking official said this week.
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Current Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Aviv Kochavi thinks differently. His objection to another cut to compulsory service rests mainly has to do with the shortage of combat troops (Kochavi believes that combat units should be overstaffed to 108%, to allow for a surplus during wartime), but he has other reasons, too. The way he sees it, unless a mechanism is put in place to compensate those who serve longer, the people who do the most will suffer for it, and this could hurt the ethos of equal service throughout the army of the people, and what's more – decrease motivation to serve at all, let alone in the most demanding roles.
There are other ramifications to shortening mandatory service, including the concern that reservists will have to be called up to cover the shortage of troops and concern about the military's day-to-day functioning. The IDF currently holds three annual drafts, and training drills and operations are scheduled around them. The previous four-month reduction to compulsory service allowed this framework to remain in place, but the latest two-month reduction demands new solutions because it changes the service times for all soldiers.

The IDF sees the financial aspect as minor compared to these issues. Soldiers on compulsory service are already "cheap" in terms of what they are paid, and do not comprise an undue burden on the military's budget. According to one senior officer, the previous four-month reduction to compulsory service was supposed to be a contribution to the economy, not the army. But that was only true before coronavirus hit. Now, with over a million unemployed, it's not certain that the Treasury will want to see soldiers discharged two months earlier than planned because rather than helping generate money, they will need to be paid unemployment benefits.
Luckily for the IDF, coronavirus has postponed most of the current draft round to August. The General Staff is hoping that by then, a solution will be found that will reverse the decision. They blame the situation coming down to the wire on the political reality of the past year: three elections, a year and a half of a transition government without a budget and unable to make decisions, and too slow a response to this issue now.
Former defense ministers Avigdor Lieberman and Naftali Bennett opposed cutting the length of compulsory service. Current Defense Minister Benny Gantz supports it, but as part of a more complex approach that will include mandatory civil service for everyone. He believes that every young person should serve their country. The IDF doesn't need everyone, so something else must be found.
Gantz thinks that the IDF should choose whom it needs, for service of varying lengths for which they will be paid accordingly. The rest of the country's youth can serve in other ways: with Magen David Adom, with the Fire and Rescue Services, in hospitals, or in their communities. Thus the principle of equality will remain in place, and the same righteous young people who opt for more difficult or dangerous service will be paid more.
It's doubtful whether, given the Israeli political reality, a just solution can be reached in the short time remaining until the August draft. It's more likely that a decision will be made to freeze things temporarily, which would require agreements with the Treasury at an especially difficult time for the economy. It's a shame, because for every possible reason – security, economics, values – it is time that Israel decides what it wants from its military and from those who serve in it, and what it is willing to do to make it happen.