A very large portion of the anger on the left toward Orly Levy-Abekasis, I believe, is something akin to psychological projection. Those on the Left who essentially fooled themselves into welcoming a "pet right-winger" into their ranks are now accusing Levy-Abekasis – and maybe others who follow in her steps – of deceit. And it is erupting in particularly vitriolic outrage.
Something similar is also occurring on the right, in my opinion, as it pertains to Blue and White's cooperation with the Joint Arab List. This anger is largely authentic. The fury and affront felt by many in the nationalist camp – actually among the Zionist majority in general – aren't the result of incitement from high up. Our friends on the left should dispense with the condescending pretensions. The public's harsh criticism isn't a reflection of racism and certainly not "fear of a fifth of the population." Some of it appears outwardly as rough and unaesthetic but essentially stems from fundamental ideological opposition, founded on solid ground that the Left, with virtuosic ease, is looking the other way and denying its true motives. The archive, however, remembers all and is speaking out.
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And still, the Right is also a bit angry at itself. Angry, because it knows it was silent in the face of the alienating, sometimes repulsive and yes, also racist discourse that pushed away more and more of the Arab public. The Right is mad at itself because right-wing governments propelled the Arab middle class forward over the past decade and supported a new generation of Arab Israeli citizens who have become more socially and economically active and integrated than ever – and it isn't getting any recognition for it. Just the opposite, those reaping the rewards are those political forces who employ a rhetoric of conciliation and co-existence, legitimize the Arab sector's social alienation from the rest of Israel, and encourage rejection of Jewish nationalism.
The Right needs to be honest with itself: It has lost the Arab citizens of Israel. Not just electorally, but socially. It squandered the opportunity to connect Arab society with welcoming and inclusive Israeliness, and in customary inflammatory fashion, pushed Arab Israelis into the hands of a subversive and anti-nationalistic worldview. Even the Joint List's cooperation with Blue and White is contrarian in nature, as an "appropriate answer to incitement."
It's possible that in retrospect the wording of the nation-state law and the ensuing explanations in its regard were a mistake (whereby the party which formulated it is the main beneficiary). But the trend was already there beforehand. The Likud could and should have done with the Arab public what it did with the Sephardim in the 1970s. It should have built with them avenues for participation in competitive politics, a type of new revolution in terms of local politics, functioning in conjunction with the real growth of social mobility and strengthening of the Arab middle class.
It's not too late.
If Arab society truly wants to join the political game as a partner, the Right can still get back in the game in a major way. When taking into account the conservative-economic tendencies and the traditionalism found in large portions of the Arab public, it's easy to imagine a conservative Jewish-Arab alliance. Especially if it presents a pragmatic political platform, willing to put aside nationalist divisions. I believe this needs to be the liberal-right's primary mission this decade.
