The renewed campaign in the Gaza Strip last weekend came at a particularly sensitive time for Israel, due to the approaching national holidays and Eurovision song contest. But the political system did not exactly demonstrate preparedness, either. Politicians, whether looking forward to the future or licking their wounds, are using this time to recover from the elections, and it seems that the last thing they want to do is start a fuss.
In their conclusion that "nothing can be done," Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's policies and his opponents' remarks are more discouraging than anything else. They declare that the situation in the country's south will forever remain as it is today, with the terrorists being the ones to decide when the residents of Sderot will leave their homes to wander through fields of anemones and when they will move into their bomb shelters.
Nor is the quiet really quiet. A cease-fire is just that – a cessation of fire. And as was the case with every previous cessation to the fighting, the end of this one will soon be announced with sirens and deafening explosions. The sense of helplessness is not the result of the government's policies alone, but they are the root of the problem. Those who are meant to represent an alternative, the ones who take the stage and attack Netanyahu, actually say the same thing. One would need a magnifying lens to differentiate between Netanyahu's approach to Gaza and the ideas proposed by the Blue and White party's Benny Gantz, Yair Lapid and Moshe Ya'alon. None of them are talking about victory. What exactly is the difference between the mafia-style protection they accuse Netanyahu of paying Hamas in exchange for quiet and their offer of a diplomatic settlement for quiet? Both options are derived from the same paradigm. The differences are cosmetic only.
But the ones who appear embarrassingly unprepared are the Likud ministers and the heads of the incoming coalition parties. Many of them issue regular diatribes on Gaza. This week, though, this organized sub-sector remained silent. There were even a few who went out to defend Netanyahu in the television studios and confront members of the opposition, but they were few and far between and desperate for a government position. If there is one point in time when every novice politician knows they must not come out against the prime minister, now, when the ministerial portfolios are being handed out, is that time.
In two weeks or so, senior Likud officials will wait outside the Prime Minister's Office, trembling with excitement, to learn what role Netanyahu has in mind for them for the next few years. Many dreams will be realized, others will be crushed. They all want to do what they can to maximize the possibility of their being appointed to the first group, including by offering up some cheap flattery.
The heads of the coalition parties, more right-wing in their political views than the Likud in their day-to-day lives, have taken care to watch their tongues. Criticism of Israel's response to the rocket fire from Gaza has been replaced with friendly advice and attempts to warmly embrace the coalition leader. One one hand, they do not want to annoy Netanyahu, but on the other, they have no desire to alienate their voter base. The silence from incoming Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman was particularly deafening. Gaza, of course, is at the top of the list of his concerns. His entire election campaign centered on Gaza. He resigned as defense minister over the situation in Gaza. And now, his renewed race for a role in the government revolves around demands to change the policy in Gaza. So as Gaza gets back on its feet, Lieberman is evading the issue. The last thing he needs right now is to be caught issuing incendiary warnings, none of which he will stick to, two seconds before being tasked with the defense portfolio.
Nothing to lose
Former Likud minister Gideon Sa'ar is a talented politician, maybe one of the most talented. He knows that when Netanyahu, at the height of an election campaign, tells him that the time has come to work together, taking care to ensure their mutual handshake is captured by the media, the prime minister already has their next handshake, the one that will take place at the Prime Minister's Office, in mind. With that next handshake, Netanyahu will inform Sa'ar he has decided to appoint him to a fluff portfolio. Sa'ar, who considers himself a contender for Likud leader once the Netanyahu era has come to an end, decided to stretch the torn rope just an inch more and attacked the prime minister at the most sensitive time for him. Clearly, he would not have made such a move had he thought he had something to lose.
In the Likud, one is allowed to speak out against the prime minister, but only to a certain degree. Sa'ar did not cross the line during this week's confrontation, which he initiated, and is experienced enough not to overdo it in the future. Throughout Netanyahu's history as prime minister, he has had quite a few rivalries and skirmishes with other senior Likud officials over the years. The ones who knew when to apply the brakes are still on the playing field: Transportation Minister Yisrael Katz, Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan, Environmental Protection Minister Zeev Elkin, David Amsalem, among others. Those who went too far, though, are no longer with us, such as Michael Eitan, Dan Meridor, Benny Begin and Oren Hazan. Sa'ar belongs to the first group, and that is where he will remain. He can embarrass Netanyahu every once in a while, but attempt to defeat him? Most definitely not. Like all the others, he will need to wait patiently for his turn.
Unconstitutional?
When it comes to Gaza, past is prologue. But in other areas, it appears the new government will bring about far-reaching changes, largely in the field of justice. According to what Netanyahu is proposing, one of the key figures of the judicial system in this new era will be the United Right's Bezalel Smotrich, whether in the capacity of justice minister or as a partner in strategizing the path forward with Yariv Levin. Assuming coalition members do not try to drive a wedge through their efforts, collaboration between these two has immense potential to rehabilitate the relationship between the Knesset, the government and the justice system and rectify the current perverse situation.
Deep and comprehensive change is required, and will likely be impossible to implement in a single government term. For over two decades, the justice system has not only evolved; it has mutated. What we have now is not just a disruption to the government's ability to govern and the Knesset's ability to legislate, but a slow and persistent penetration of public and societal values and conventions into the legislative process that no one ever wanted to be applied to themselves or to society. Moreover, these values are a burden to society and do not represent it as a whole, being espoused by one specific sector. One such principle is the demand for an absolute disconnect from Jewish tradition and morality as they appear in our religious sources.
The term "unconstitutional," upon which a mountain of rulings has been written, was brought into our lives through the back door. In Israel, there is no constitution. The only body with the authority to enact a constitution is the Knesset, which, as we all know, is the legislative branch. It is not by accident or chance that this is the case. While this may be regrettable to some members of our nation, in a democracy, it is the majority that determines what will be. When the matter at hand is the constitution, this is especially true. And there is no majority support for a constitution.
The next justice minister will have their work cut out for them. In politics, it seems the greater the anticipation, the greater the disappointment. We shall soon see if this will once again be the case.
